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Xu Bin, Professor of Humanities at Shenzhen University. Abstract: Fishermen are often excluded from land-based societies and form self-contained water-based societies, and have to be associated with land-based societies because of the need to sell fish quickly. As a result of the habit of eating fresh fish and being subjected to such technical means as conservation, the sale of water products during the late Qing Dynasty was made local, leading to the emergence of a hierarchical structure at the market level at the grass-roots, intermediate and central levels of the market, on the one hand, and the close links between fishers and fishers and fishers, on the other hand, to develop well-known ethical relationships and become nodes of social ties between fishers and the land. Following the defeat, the national Government attempted to establish a fish market with the participation of government-led businessmen and to involve State power in the area of economic circulation, but it provoked resistance from fish, fisherfolk and eventually stalled. The long-term existence of such a race between the market and the power of the Government is an important clue to the development of modern Chinese history. Keywords: fish trades; market networks; water society; trade associations; Hubei Province

The long-term life of fishers, particularly “boats”, has led to the emergence of self-contained social patterns. Since fish production is naturally close to the market and, in addition to being sold on its own, the water products fished by fishers are linked to the market mainly through intermediaries, such as fishers and fish businesses, which are influenced by factors such as the relative concentration of the fishing season. As a result, fishers and fishers become a joint point of contact between the two worlds, with a focus on both water and land. Previous research on fish trades has focused more on coastal areas, with insufficient attention to inland areas and, more importantly, on the land market, thus neglecting links with fishers [1] (P76-85) [2] [3] (P92-101) [4] (P92-101) [5] (P50-53) [6] (P124-133). In the late Qing Dynasty, China began the construction of a modern state, and the national government’s attempt to regulate the aquatic market was seen as an attempt in this construction process, all of which revealed the twists and turns of modern China’s construction. In this context, the study will focus on both water and land from the point of connection and will reveal the intentions and effectiveness of national government initiatives with a view to deepening awareness. I. Flow of fish and fish, mainly for local consumption

In general, fish products from the domestic forward supply market have continued their long-standing tradition, divided into two categories: fresh fish and pickled fish, and the two types of products correspond to different markets: Fresh fish are mainly supplied locally or in close proximity, while pickles are sold to more distant locations. The following is the title of "The Land of Hubei Gang":

The fish, which is different from the pickled fish, is very good because of the water available in the south-east. In addition to the sale of fresh fish, most are sold by Long Lake, Three Lake and White Loch in neighbouring counties, and pickled fish are collected by Sichuan people in Sand City every winter, amounting to no less than thousands, or tens of thousands. [7] (P387-388)

Both types of fish production are dominated by fresh fish, which is similarly documented in surveys conducted during the national period. The survey conducted by the Business and Industry Bimonthly in 1934 clearly revealed the type and extent of sales of water products from Hubei, which allegedly:

Souyang County: The pond fish produce more than half a million pounds, 0.30 yuan per pound, with a total value of more than 200,000 yuan, sold locally. For almost three years, it has been dry and dry, with little water in the pond and little production. Tortoise plates produce more than $300,000, or 0.10 yuan each, for a total value of more than $30,000, all of which is sold in Henan. Wuchang County: Shrimp produces approximately 50,000 stones at a price of 13 dollars each, at a price of more than 600,000 yuan, and sells local or local Wuhan, Zhuang, and Quantang, and Zhui Zhui Zhui Zhue, which is an increase of 30 per cent over the last three years. Qingmen County: 8000 pounds of fish at $0.30 per pound at $2,400 for local sales; 6000 pounds of shrimp at $0.20 per pound at $1,200, a decrease of 8 out of 10 in the last three years. Hyo-shin County: carp 554,000 pounds at $0.30 per pound at $16,260 and sales 277,000 per pound; fish 223,000 pounds at $0.20 per pound at $44,600 and sales 66,900 per pound; fish 412,000 pounds at $0.20 per pound at $82,400 and sales 206,000 per pound; white fish 118,000 pounds at $0.20 per pound at $23,600 and sales 59,000. Dangyang County: 100 carp at $24 per pound at $2,400; 50 platinum at $26 per pound at $1,300; and 20 pipfish at $12 per pound at $240. The three and the totals above are produced by the two rivers of evidence and are distributed by the manpower. [8] (P255-256)

(c) Oulu County (1934 survey): 50,000 fish at $14 per stone for a total value of $700,000; 3,000 shrimp at $8 per stone for a total value of $24,000; 15,000 crabs at a total value of $1,800. The rest are sold by traffickers and in neighbouring counties. [8] (P256)

These records show that fish-producing areas in the north of the lake include rivers, lakes and ponds, a rich variety of water products, and crab turtles, among others, as well as uncounted and abundant production, which can be sold to neighbouring provinces because of the ease of preservation, such as turtle plates, but the vast majority of fish production is sold locally or in the form of fresh fish. As in fish proverbs, “fish eat fresh rice well” [9] (P202), the dietary habits of people eating fresh fish, as well as restrictions on the storage, processing and transport of water products, make most of the aquatic products generally available for local consumption or consumption in the surrounding areas, which is the main reason why fish production is local as the basic market. Qing Kang Hee's got a poem called "The Shrimp is on the shore, The Medicine fragrances" 10] It can be said that this distinct locality objectively determined the size of the aquatic market in the former Hubei region of the new China, the market network and the specific composition of the operators. The majority of fish products destined for Hancong also provide for the daily needs of the urban population, with outgrowers not in the majority. According to the recollections of former fish industry workers in New China, “the Wuhan (era of resistance to liberation) fish industry was not organized to sell fish. There are only a few more capital-rich fish-traffickers, who are located in such places as the acoustics, the hundreds and the Qingdao. The specific status of sales is as follows:

Outgroceries are carried out by a fish shop in the marketing area and by a fish dealer in Wuhan, who organizes the supply. In addition to those from Wuhan, some fish are sold at low prices. The distribution area is dominated by Guangzhou, Beijing, Henan's new village, and Hebei Shiji's family minority. The most marketed species are footfish in Guangzhou, mackerel, tortoise fish, small number of talented fish, Peking carp, cinnamon fish, big salt fish, one to three pounds of carp top. There are more than 60 or 70 out of 10 and more than 100 pounds each. Packagings are used to load old barrels and to ice. The sale is mainly in winter, and it takes less than zero to avoid ice, which is a shipment from Beijing, and Guangzhou carries live goods because of footfish, fish, fish, turtle fish. All the fish are sold on express trains. [8] (P268)

The above-mentioned recollection shows, first, that foreign traders usually come to Han for purchases, that local traders simply wait for guests to come to the house and do not directly deal in outgroves, that large local fish merchants generally have larger stocks, and that there is a supply network and a source of surplus organization for outgroceries, which in turn supplements the fish that cannot be sold at low prices. Second, in order to reduce costs, as fresh fish are exposed to high levels of wear and tear on their way out of the country, fish products are sold either for the choice of viable species such as footfish, porpoise, or to be processed as dried fish, or to be preserved on ice, and are concentrated in easy winters to sell to distant Guangzhou, Beijing, etc. Owing to technical and cost constraints, ice-fighting is also a very recent form of conservation, and the nation has used the train as an emerging mode of transport to save transport time. Prior to the widespread use of ice, the most common method of selling fish to the provinces was to make them dry or salty fish, as described in the 1950 Reference Data for Local Production in the South Central Region, which states that “the fish are most produced in the counties along the Yangtyang River, the Wind, and the Han mouth. The sun is so hot that dry fish, dried shrimp, etc. Fresh fish is consumed in nearby counties, while dry fish is partly resold in Shaanxi, Henan, Hunan and Guizhou. About 15,000 municipalities per year” [8] (P255-256). The largest outlet town in the Hubei region is Hanquo, where much of the fish sold out of the area is salinized, according to the Hanquo Central China affair (Mingji for 40 years 1907):

There are two kinds of fish buyers:

(i) The customs of Hanguchi, whether it be a hotel or a business group (council, port, trade, company), or a rich family, or a nobility, provide salted fish for the new year, or bring relatives or friends, or a family meal. They are salters, about 5 pounds or more at the end, and the small ones, the fishers, sell nothing in Hanguchi or Wuchang. (ii) The so-called Sichuan Gang, after buying fish and salinizing it, is trafficked to Sichuan Province, and the Sichuan Gang has the largest sales of giants such as Hen-Yu Gyu and the same-minded. [8] (P267)

Moreover, the improvement in the mode of transport is not only reflected in the use of trains, but also in the creation of live fishing boats during the course of the year to transport fresh fish, which are said to have begun in 20 years after the Great Wuhan Water of the People's Republic, and to have been piloted by the fisher King, who lives in the vicinity of Lake Hankawa. Smaller bows, a slightly wider tail, a hole in the hull on both sides of the cabin, which allows for running water to keep fresh fish alive ... fishers must be bold, skilled in driving, familiar with the course, swim well, each boat can load a live fish, with an additional 2,000 pounds, at a price higher than the price of fresh fish, mainly to the larger outer and inland rivers”[8] (P268). As it has been said, fresh fish from live boats remains the main selling ground in the province. These cases suggest that, although there has been some improvement in the country's conservation, processing and transport technologies, the traditional processes continue to dominate aquaculture sales, either locally or in the province. II. Practitioners at different fish market levels

Owing to the local nature of aquatic sales, the market level for aquatic products is dominated by three levels, i.e., central markets such as the primary fish market, the middle fish market and the Hanguchi market, where most of the products are sold and no longer enter the national market [2]. The main measure of the market level is the source and flow of water products, where the difference between primary and middle-level fish markets is mainly between the availability of excess water products to the upper market, and between intermediate and central fish markets, where the bulk of the water products traded are transported from local or lower markets. Depending on the size of the transaction, the relationship between market operators at different levels, as well as between buyers and sellers, also varies. As far as the primary market is concerned, the waters of the lake, which are almost all over the fish-producing areas, are traded directly by fishermen and buyers. This situation has persisted since the time of the fishing, and Kayin Hanyang Dynasty, i.e. Liu Quan, who is located in the river, “one fish at a rate of 11” (P39). In the mornings and evenings, the private sector is known as the “show-water market”, and similar primary markets are set up on a long-term basis, but only early and late, or have a relatively fixed set-up, full-time period, during which they are generally in the majority, and most fish products are sold on this level [12] (P150-164). In addition to being self-trading by fishermen, there are also fish vendors in the primary market, known as “retail vendors”, divided into fixed and mobile fish vendors. In addition to retailing, fixed fish vendors have a low capital, do business in restaurants and do business during the off-season season; mobile fish vendors mostly sell fish in the high season, and vegetables in the off-season season, or other commodities, to be carried to fish and sold in the fish market” [13] (P382-383). It can be seen that most of these fish dealers, who are busy with their daily livelihoods, work with fishermen to build water distribution terminals. In some of the more fish-producing lakes and in some of the areas of high water transport, there is a high number of people engaged in fish and fish trade, as reported in Kanlong's Hanyang capital book, “There are many lakes (in Hanyang county) that make a living in many trades”. 14](P165), Cai shop town, this county, “Sixty miles west of town, for Zhang Road. There are thousands of businesses across the street. "Pygmy Mountain, on the north-west side of the county, on the north side of the 100-mile White Lake, commercial irradiated, fish most profitable" [15] (P84), is the region's famous fish market. Moreover, because of the high seasonality of fishing, and during the fall and winter seasons, the high number of fish products on the market has led to an increase in the scale of the trade, resulting in the formation of a market for the bulk of water products near some of the lakes where fish are produced, and even the emergence of some fishing-professional municipalities [12] (P2117-220). The water products traded in these markets are not just meeting the needs of the local population, but will have more products entering higher markets. They can be classified as intermediate markets. Essentially, the middle market is also a member of a large number of primary markets, which in most cases are embedded in the primary market and are themselves responsible for the function of the primary market for local consumption. Here, water products are water currents, sand piles that run through the primary market, mostly not in the sand, and small puddles in some small pits, which are the middle market. Thus, the primary market is parallel to the middle market. In addition to fishermen and small fish vendors, the middle market has begun to have fish lines. According to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea's Land Registry, “fish trades: Shinyama, Hongshan, Port, Dhokawa near the new shop” [16] (P103). In today's lake area, there are “21 fish lines on the new embankment at the end of the war and 25 during the period of the fighting. In addition to the new embankment, there are fish lines in the areas of Zhang Dakou, Zhang Hak, Zhong Hak, Zhang Fong, etc. In 1949, there were over 80 fish lines in the entire lake area. It is known that not all fish markets have fish lines, and their setting generally requires a certain amount of trade as a basis. One of the kinds of teeth that is set up by the Fish Official's Office is to have a tooth sticker for business. “A toothpicker is to have a toothpick, a toothpick is to have an offer, and a field is to have to be assigned”. 16](P103) In Kanchon County, "Mixed in front of the Qing Dynasty Six hundred and seventy-seven requests" after three years of robbery in the Qing Dynasty and 10 years of co-management, there were “Fish 55” [17] (P242). In the middle market, fish can connect fishers to the market and fishers transport their products to higher central markets. There are sporadic records of fish merchants or brokers in the Hubei ethnic spectrum, such as Jiangxia's Fan Spectra, which says that the ethnic group Fan Feng Tint, who lives in the same time as the rest of the day, is “suspendantly trapped and often known for themselves. It is hardly difficult for them to find themselves in a situation where they are unpaved and unreadable, where they are neither productive nor proficient. But the wonders are that in the leopards, a fish can grow up and grow old and be trapped, Pykhinchid” [18]. As a result of the high level of fish production in the area of Hubei, many fish have become rich, including Fan Fengteng. There are, of course, those who have to feed their families, such as the Huang Zhou's “Mainjin, the third son of Zongming, resident in the paddy, working in agriculture, practising whipping, and re-engineering and fish brokers. Qingqingtai, who is in charge of the Ministry of Justice, has done his best in the event of an incident, and has done his best to do his best” [19]. As described in the family plan, Fan Feng Ting Ting “has gained a reputation for helping poor people in their immediate neighbourhood and has been left behind in the countryside” and Zhou Yuanjin “single in the light, working in the hands of his ancestors, doing his best in the event of an incident, doing his best and doing his best”, all of whom maintain close ties with the countryside. In the north of the lake, it appears that only a few major towns, such as Hanquo, New embankment, Sand City and Yellowstone, can claim the central market. Towns such as Hanquo have become the central market for aquaculture, not because they assume the function of a distribution hub, but also because of the large population and larger consumer markets. As a result, when the local fish produced in Hanguchi is unable to meet demand, there is a “source of fish-lined goods that depend mainly on local fisher trafficking” [8] (P267-268). Workers in the central municipalities, including fish and fish, gather fish, mainly in wholesale distribution, fish vendors face consumers directly, and fishers are responsible for transporting local water products to the municipalities, which constitutes a three-tier network for distribution. According to the recollection, the composition of the Hampshire is as follows:

1. The scale is that of which the fish have been sold and sold. The scale is held by the owner of the line, or by the shareholders, which no one can replace. Because fish and fish merchants trust only the boss and shareholders. ii. Hooking. The average number of people is 1 with a hook, one with a job and two with a job rotation. A doctor is a cook. Mr. Lead, responsible for the supply organization of fish lines, contacts business and reception of fishers. In addition to a certain wage, the amount of the sale of goods is 2 per cent. The leaders have extensive links to the production area, with relatives, friends or themselves, and have a large supply of goods to organize their operations in the Wuhan trade, without which they cannot be the leaders or be asked to be the leaders. [8] (P263)

In general, the population structure of fish lines across Lake North is similar. By definition, among fish industry practitioners, the lead man is in charge of the source organization and plays a key role, either as a producer or as an emotional link with the lake that goes beyond the market, representing a close and direct link between the fish industry and the production area. In addition, fish markets buy fish through fishers. Fishers are “traffickers of fish from their place of production who trade in urban fish. Fish merchants take three forms: first, packaging, commonly known as `package fish', which comes from fresh fish produced in the Yangtze region and the lake area, and is packed and packed along the river's passenger/cargo, etc.; secondly, human trafficking by shoulder from the lake area to the lake by road; and thirdly, trafficking by a professional transport vessel, with a large number of wooded vessels, with a small number of fishers occasionally employing boats” [13] (P382-383). In the north of the lake, fishers are also described as fish dealers and, according to the Hung Lake County Fisheries Report, “fish vendors, part-timers and vendors are professional and part-time. The main dealer, also known as the ship dealer, most of whom owns a living boat, is a hawk and is also known as the hawker”.[9] (P189-191). Here, fish vendors are the same meaning as Hanguchi calls fishers and are not the same as “fish vendors” who are at the end of the sale, and are referred to in this paper as fishers in the transport chain. In these central fish markets, it is these fishers who link the place of production to the market, thus guaranteeing its supply. In the classic market network theory, rural markets in China were divided into grass-roots, intermediate and central markets, with a two-way flow of commodities at all levels, and he emphasized the role of grass-roots markets as “a starting point for the higher range of the market system for the upward movement of agricultural and handicraft products” as well as the functions of central markets such as commodity concentration sites [20] (P5-10). Compared with this classic model, the aquatic market displays a similar hierarchy, but in practice it usually operates in two-tier market patterns near fish-producing areas, and as a local specialty, most of which is sold within the region, the one-way flow of the aquatic product from the production area to the central market, so that the market at all levels reflects primarily as a consumer market. III. Dependence and cooperative relationships between fish and fishers and fishers in the course of fish and cargo flows

At all levels of the aquaculture market, the four main groups are fishers, fishers, fishers and fishers, four of whom have the largest number of fishers, who are active in both production and circulation, while fishers, fishers and fishers focus on the circulation and marketing of aquaculture. Because of the local nature of the sale of aquatic products, on the one hand, and the dietary habits of fish fresh food, on the other hand, the close and rapid link between the marketing terminals and the fish-producing areas, on the other hand, it is also necessary for the fishermen, as producers, to deliver fresh fish to the eaters as soon as possible in order to avoid losses such as decomposition and deterioration, thus creating a close interdependencies among the four and developing into a bond of trust in familiar relationships. On the fish side and on the fisher side, such as Hanguchi's, fish production was largely affected by the water situation of the previous year, and at the time of the acquisition, fish behaviour competed for business and for a source of goods, generally in the form of a “locking lake”. That is to say, the person concerned who pre-loans the money to the fish seller, “i.e. loan it to Mr. Leader to purchase fishing gear to fishers; i.e. loan it to fishers to repair the ship, the stock and the cost of living”. Fish businesses act as specialized commercial banks, with no interest on the money they borrow in return for the fish, while the beneficiary fishers sell the fish to the bank that supports the money. In a message sent to the provincial government in 1947, the Chamber of Trades and Industry of the Wuchang Fish Industry stated: “As opposed to him, the fish industry must lend each year to fishers and fishers, merchants and others who are not in a position to do so, and in order to prosper in business, every time a heavy-interest loan is made for a non-interest-free loan to fishers, it must be deducted from the price of the fish, then the interest rate lost will be compensated by the commission.” This phenomenon of providing loans to help fishers produce is certainly not confined to the north of the lake. In China's Civil Traditions (September 12, 12), the custom of Anhui Ho Qui County was recorded as follows: “Fish houses must provide food to fishers for the purchase of a shipnet and for lack of use in the spring, and make a contract with China to indicate a three-point interest, and the fish that the fish caught in the autumn will not be sold to him, and if the fishery is free, the debts of the current year will be clear, and if the fishery is light, it will be repaid every year at the price of the fish they earn.” [22] (P541) Differently, loans to fish houses in Khochou district are subject to interest rates, and, similarly, they provide support to fishermen. In return, in order for fresh fish not to accumulate in the business to deteriorate, thereby affecting the business of the fish, “the fish business generally sells to fish vendors on credit, after the sale of fish” [8] (P.267-268). With the exception of loans to fishermen, “fishers produce the necessary materials, such as tritium oil, sashimi oil, linen, netware, large hooks, etc., which are operated by fish-line agents or private businesses” [23] (P139), thus creating relatively fixed “partnership” relationships between them. In general, fishers and “leaders” of fish trades are mostly people in the producing areas, and their relationships with local fishermen are inextricably linked, and sometimes the lake owners directly open fish businesses and act as middlemen for the entry of catch, such as “During the Great Revolution, there were two of the largest fishers in Lake Hung's area: Zhang Zaig, of Hung Zhang's residence, and U Xiaogwang, of the village of West Lake, on the coast of Taiyan. The father of Zhang Zhang Zhang Zhimu has not only taken possession of a large lake and field, but has also opened a new fish business. Hung Lake fishermen not only have to deliver fish to Zhang but also sell fish to Zhang” [9] (P186). To this end, the Hung Lake County Aquaculture Report states that among the various forms of exploitation of fishers by lake owners and fishers, [9] (P187-188) is one of the ways in which “fishing, buying, selling, weighing, selling and selling” is exploited. According to estimates made during the years of the Republic, about 20 per cent of the fishers are in the city of Hanguchi, and the remaining 80 per cent are from the production area, with close links to local fishermen [8] (P267). According to the Hubei Water Supply and Marketing Journal, “these individuals, relying on pro-clan forces in the lake area for `packages' (payment for catch in certain waters) from fish banks, will then use the share of proceeds to round up and ship fishers” [24] (P11). The “families” on which fishers depend in the lake area are the main strata of the lake that have long-term control over the water, as can be seen from the fact that, in addition to the small-capital lake owners who open their fish, fishers who are also fish traffickers are a means of profit for the “lake owners” [25] (P73-106). The situation of fishermen fishing in the lake is also complex. In the lake area, the source of the fisherman can be distinguished as a local fisherman from a foreign fisherman. Natural fishing is more seasonal and is reflected in the fish industry, where there is a verb of “seven dead and nine dead, ten winters and one winter,” that “means that July is a dry season, and September is beginning to improve and that the ten-month month season is expected to be a dry season” [9] (P189-191). This seasonality has led many non-native fishers to leave their places of origin to fish in the lake during autumn and winter. By the fall and summer season, most of those working in the lake area, mostly local fishers, are in the majority by the fall and winter season, usually out-of-town fishers, who are able to enter the lake by paying a certain fee, or by sharing their catch with the owner of the lake[26] (P55-106). New China, when it was first founded, based on the criterion of occupation, divided the fishermen into pure fishers and semi-fishers, among them “pure fishers, or fishers, who specialize in fishing or are predominantly fishers, also known as professional fishers; farmers, mainly, are engaged in agricultural activities, and when they are idle, are semi-fishers, also known as part- or part-time fishers” [23] (P73-78). As a rule, pure fisherfolk are the fisherfolk of a chain of boats who were “advanced for months and months” [23] (P73-78). At the time of the inception of the new China, there was a significant stock of fisherfolk, such as Hung Lake County, “in 1964, there were 467 fisherships, 248 people and 577 fishing boats” [9] (P61); and the Huangoka area, “in 1956, there were 443 boat-based households in the whole area, fully fishing for a living” (P73-78). Among these categories, “local fisherfolk” actually include “pure fisherfolk” and local semi-fishers, but since they live on ships and are highly mobile, they are generally not accepted by land-based residents and are often stigmatized as “fish flowers”. Half of the local fishermen, either members of the principal clan of the lake or living by the lake, are close friends with fishers and fishers, who come from other parts of the province, such as Tianmen, Hangawa and Xiyang, as well as from other provinces such as Hunan and Jiangxi, and who, although mostly go to relatively fixed lake areas to fish, are still more in a purely market relationship with fishers and are more vulnerable to abuse. For pure fishers, because they are eligible to fish as long as they deliver to the lake masters on a seasonal or monthly basis, and because the daily catch is sold in a timely manner, they deal with fishers much more frequently than with the lake owner. The pattern of sale may also reflect the frequent links between fishers and fishers, as in the case of the fishermen of the Huanggang area, who, prior to the establishment of the new China, “sell fresh fish in the area, usually by a fisher, i.e., by a shiphead, bought by a fish dealer, by a fish dealer, by a commission, and by a fish dealer, and by self-production, raising baskets ... . It needs to be noted that the large catch gap between the off-season and the boom seasons affects the volume and level of market access for aquatic products in different seasons and the frequency with which fishers deal with the market. According to the Republic's 25-year Hubei District Survey, “fishers who fish in smaller numbers, most of them are accompanied by relatives, sell first with fresh fish or with a place to sell. Fishermen have suffered a slight loss as a result of the self-interest of the fish trade or fish trade” [27] (P21). It is evident that fishers are more closely associated with fishers and fish lines during the fishing season. Fishlines and fishers secure their sources, such as “lakes” “packages”, so that a particular fishline or fisher can enter into a relatively fixed relationship with the fisherfolk of the lake. According to the Flood Lake County Water Report:

Capital fish and boat vendors, most of whom are associated with fishermen, each have a part of the “flowerer” (associated). Usually, there are difficulties for the flotilla, and fish vendors try to help solve them by asking for money to borrow money and to buy for themselves. Through this relationship, the florist was pulled and its fish sold to him instead of going elsewhere. The more flowers, the more fish come, the more the business works. [9] (P189-191)

This “neighborship” does not, of course, exist only in inland lakes, and Waldying noted that in Hong Kong ' s fishing villages in the 1950s there was also an interdependence between fishermen and businessmen [28] (P1-18). The maintenance of the relationship is, of course, related to the financial difficulties of fish, fishers helping to resolve “flowerers”, while “buying for themselves” shows that fish, fishers, have in fact become agents of fishermen in dealing with the land community. Such proxy relationships often also give fishers a certain reputation among fishers and thus become involved in the resolution of everyday disputes between fishers, which are distinct from depersonalized market behaviour, and give them the colour of a familiar ethical relationship. IV. National Government ' s attempts to transform the fish market

The Government's interest in the aquatic market until the early days of the civil war was mainly in the area of taxation, for which purpose it had set up a dentistry. After the opening of the country's gates, the Government's demand for tax revenues was exacerbated by a number of reasons, such as the repayment of compensation and the establishment of a new deal for ocean affairs. In addition to the original tooth tax, there were “fish contributions” from fish businesses. In the case of Haguchi County, “Fishers donating (in addition to one stone) for a sum of 100 words per fish; (in respect of the sum collected per year) for a sum of 3,000 words per year; (in respect of the collection and collection of funds) collected by the District Department, the monthly husband's money is paid in the sum of 16 pieces; (for the purposes specified), self-government is paid in the sum of 1,200 for the sum of 1,200 for the sum of 1,200 for the sum of 1,200 for the sum of 600 for the sum of the sum paid for the baby-rearing holiday” [29] (P43); and in the county, “In the city of Shinyama there are more than 10 fishing houses, each of which sells the sum of 100 thousand dollars per day, the police is paid in the amount of 400 for the sum of 400 for each year” [16] (P88). At this time, however, the Government has confined itself to drawing on social resources, with little intervention in the market itself. This situation has persisted, with no substantial change in the middle, and direct intervention in the aquatic market has occurred mainly after the victory. On 12 December 1946, the Government of Hubei Province received an official communication from the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry of the National Government, “in accordance with Directive No. 16093 of the Administrative Council of the Republic, dated 22 October of the same year, referring to the Fish Market Scheme, mutatis mutandis, a copy of the amended version, to be published by the Ministry, etc., and in accordance with which, in addition to being published and divided, a copy of the Scheme for the Fish Market is hereby inspected, and I should be grateful if you would have the text of this letter. The policy should be put in place in the context of the original intent of the national Government to organize the marine fisheries in order to exercise the sovereignty of the nation State, with the immediate result of declaring that the Government intended to intervene strongly in the aquatic market. The official letter instructs Hubei Province to open a fish market with a Fish Market Setup Scheme (hereinafter referred to as the Scheme), which has much to elaborate, as follows: [30]

Article 1: The fish market is a distribution site for the distribution of aquatic products, with the aim of expanding the distribution route, flat market prices, improving transport, balancing distribution and facilitating the work of fishers (fishers, fishers, water scavengers and fish-related canneries, salt drying, farming, etc.). This provision explains the purpose of the Government in setting up the fish market. The aims of so-called “extension of the market, fair market prices, improved transport, and balanced sales” appear to be the same as those of certain local officials who acted during the period of clarity. However, their application in the form of a national decree implies that a modern State seeks to interfere in the functioning of the economy and to exercise the State's guiding role in the development of the national economy, thus demonstrating the essential distinction between the national Government and the traditional dynasty. The next specific regulation of how to set up the fish market sheds further light on the differences between the national government and the traditional dynasty, which allegedly:

Article 2: The fish market is a first-class market for fish in special cities and is supervised by the Social Institute. The second-class fish market, which is supervised by the local municipality or county government, is located in provincial capitals or in general urban areas or in areas where fisheries flourish. The third-class fish market, which is supervised by the local county government, is for people based in county and town fishing ports or villages. The competent authority for the purpose of the fish market is the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry at the central level, the Department of Construction at the provincial level, the Social Directorate at the special city level and the District Government at the county level. Thirdly, the fish market, in addition to the trans-shipment of aquatic products, buys the necessary premises for the first-time sale of local aquatic products, each of which is on the basis of a number of pounds, in an open competitive manner, at a price to be announced by the market, but not with futures dumps close to speculative behaviour. Of these, the second sets out the hierarchy of the fish market and identifies the government authorities at each level. As noted earlier, the actual flow of local water products in Hubei is operated in two main markets, and in this regard, the proposed fish market of the national government is generally consistent with that. A separate list of special cities here should be for national governments to emphasize its function as a catchment for freshwater and marine products as a whole. It is clear that this holistic arrangement may be at odds with the actual situation in various locations, such as Shanghai Special Market, which has a very prominent function as an important seafood catchment, and which has a separate need, but which is mainly a local market for the consumption of freshwater fish products, appears to be more of a second-class fish market for “province capital or general urban areas or fishing areas”. With the third provision that the fish market, in addition to “aquatic products in transit”, “a place necessary for the first sale of local aquatic products”, demonstrates the Government's determination to engage in market-specific transactions, and thus, for the first time in the area of China's aquatic trade, such an integrated approach to market integration under government control emerged. In article 7, the Government further provides that fish sold in the market “shall not be priced at a maximum of 90 per cent of the local equivalent market price, which may not be fully expensed and may be made available to the competent agency for project presentation at the end of the year” (article 7). Clearly, the aim is to make the fish market attractive to consumers at relatively low prices. Thus, at one end of the sale, the Government uses executive orders and at one end of the purchase relies on market rules in an attempt to establish control over the fish market at both ends of the purchase and sale. The purpose of government involvement in the fish market is further demonstrated by the provision in article 8, “The principle of private regulation of the fish market”. The so-called “superintendence of private management” is reflected, first, in the financing of the fish market, which is “50 per cent for first-class fish marketers (business units) of the central government” and “50 per cent for second-class fish marketers (business units) of the provincial government” and “third-class fish market funds for fish workers (business units) of the same kind” of cooperative organization. The participation of the Government in the first- and second-class fish markets and the involvement of State capital in the economy have continued the process of transition from tradition to modernity since the end of the year. The National Government's tentacles have expanded further from the business field to the circulation field, compared to the “superintendence” of the late Qing government, “private relations”. Further, article 9 provides that: “The formation and organization of first- and second-class fish markets shall be governed by the implementing regulations of corporate law. The establishment and organization of the third-class fish market shall be governed by the Cooperative Act and by the rules governing the operation of the Cooperative Act;” and article XII states: “In the case of a company, the organization of the fish market shall be registered with the Ministry of Economy and, in the case of a cooperative, with the Ministry of Social Affairs. The market for unauthorizedly registered fish should be banned by the local government and closed. Except for fishers who do not have the form of organization of a fish market at the market.” Here, the National Government has made a clear distinction between cities and fishing villages, with different management approaches: Within the city, the fish market, formed by direct government participation and in association with fishing operators, is defined as a “corporate” type of economic organization for profit; the third-class fish market, organized in a “cooperative” manner, is organized in close proximity to fishing villages and fishers, and is managed by the people themselves, as well as the provision in article 12 that “except for those who do not have a form of organization of fish markets” shows that the Scheme focuses on management in the area of circulation and that the Government is not willing to deal directly with fishers. As an economic organization, there is, of course, an inherent incentive to pursue profits. In terms of revenue, the main profits of the fish market come from operating commissions, “the fish market shall be required to collect the necessary operating commissions, which shall be less than the sum of the fees and fees payable prior to the opening of the market, in accordance with the established customs, but shall not exceed ten per cent of the turnover, and shall not levy other charges by name” (art. In terms of expenditure, funds from official and commercial units in economic organizations are mainly used for the construction of hardware facilities in the fish market, i.e. “the fish market should have equipment such as docks, warehouses, cold storage, natural ice plants or mechanism ice plants” (art. 5), together with the costs of maintaining day-to-day operations, “the fish market, for the purpose of carrying out its services, should be planned for the benefit of fish workers concerned, such as storm forecasts, consumer cooperative public canteen accommodations, sanitary equipment for disease prevention and retail purchases of essential materials for the fisheries market” (art. The emphasis in the expenditure line on “the welfare of fishers” shows that as a State-owned economic organization in which the Government participates, it does not simply pursue maximization of profits, but also takes into account social benefits. This is further reflected in article 14 as follows:

Article 14: After the annual closing of the fish market, the third-class market or the full-market market for fish shall be paid 10 per cent of the net profit in case of pure gain. The joint market for fish shall be raised by 20 per cent of the net profit of officials and 10 per cent of the net profit of commercial equity for the purpose of the fisheries construction fund for the benefit of fishers in the area, which shall be used for a clear reason approved by the competent authority and submitted to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry for inspection, except by a two-thirds majority of shareholders (the first-class fish market) or members of associations (the third-class fish market). In the event of the dissolution of the fish market, the fund is submitted to the competent authority for the exclusive storage of funds by the National Bank for the purpose of which the competent authority submits it to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry for approval. On this basis, it is known that “fish loans” such as “fisher welfare” have the intention of replacing the “commercial bank” role assumed by the former fish business, and that, if implemented as such, the Government will cut off the emotional ties between the fish business and the fisher and fisherfolk, and replace in the city, under its control, the fish market, which continues over the traditional period, the private self-run fish. In fact, as early as 1936, the Ministry of Industry of the National Government decided to follow the example of agricultural loans. An example of this is the establishment of a financial organization dedicated to fisheries lending, organized by the relevant central government departments in conjunction with the banking sector, except for marine fisheries, which had little impact on inland areas [31] (P59-68). Moreover, in order to further develop knowledge of the actual circumstances of the transaction, Article 11 of the Scheme also requires those who set up fish markets at all levels to submit the following to the competent local authority for verification and to the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry for registration:

(i) Origin of the sponsor. (ii) Total (market share) and total value (national currency) of local fish algae produced and sold annually. (iii) Burden of local fish algae sales for commissioning fish (standard value per $100). (iv) The place where the fish market is established and the reasons for it (with a schematic map of the city port). (v) Fish market plan. (vi) The rules and regulations governing the organization of the fish market. (vii) Fish market business plans and budget estimates. (viii) Equipment plans for the fish market and their illustrations. As can be seen from the above analysis, the national Government's reform of the fish market is first and foremost backed by the State's authority, which requires it to take control of the sale and purchase of local products “for the first time”. Second, there is a distinction between urban and rural areas, where the Government focuses on urban areas, where the direct participation of State funds in the urban fish market, in a “supervisory private” manner, does not completely exclude private forces such as “fishers”, nor does the Government have any idea of dealing directly with fishers in a large primary fish market close to a fishing village, but remains left to the private sector. Thirdly, the two types of market for seafood and freshwater fish production do not distinguish and are difficult to fully comply with local realities. In terms of the flow of water products, the two perform essentially the opposite in inland areas, i.e., seafood is concentrated in central markets from fishing ports and then dispersed to inland areas, while freshwater fish is largely distributed across inland fish-producing waters, moving up into central markets. V. STANDARD OF CHANGE: RESPONSE FROM COMMUNITIES

Upon receipt of the communication, the Government of Hubei Province proceeded with the matter. The Office of Construction invited the social services to “convey the two cities of Wuhan and those involved in the fishing industry to discuss the establishment of a market for Wuhan fish” in order to begin with the construction of the central city of Wuchang and Hangu. However, things are far from going smoothly, and the Social Service has, in the first place, pushed the task entirely to the Building Office on the ground that it “is within the purview of the Head of the Building Office and that it has no place to act”.[32] When the building hall convened the legal corps concerned to discuss the establishment of the Vukhang market, it was boycotted by the “Heads of the Wuhan Municipal Chambers of Commerce and the Wuyang Summer Fisheries Chamber”.[33] The Chamber of Commerce and Fishery Council here refers to the trade unions of Wuchang, Hanyang, Hakguchi and fish-sellers, which were formed during the late Qing Dynasty, and represent such traditional market forces. It has been documented that aquaculture is a small industry that has not always been valued by business, that the Hanguchi General Chamber of Commerce has not been allowed to join (fish industry) for 15 years (1889), and that, in order to safeguard the interests of the industry, there is a Zhiqing House, an initiative of the Hangushi River. On 24 November 1930, the Hanguchi Fish Industry Council was officially established, and the Wuchang Fish Industry Council was established in March 1941, with the aim of mediating disputes between fish merchants, who organized themselves in 1945 [8] (P265-266). Thus, traditional market forces, such as fish trades and fish vendors, are not fighting on their own, but in a joint form against government intervention in the fish market. Since the Beijing Government promulgated the Rules of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in 1918, the construction and improvement of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry has been carried out for various periods of the National Government. In a systematic study of the recent Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Wei Wenhuang concluded: “The Government is in a better position in terms of policy information resources, while the Chamber of Commerce and Industry is in a better position in terms of business and industry information resources. In general, the integration of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry into the system of government industry management and the integration of the administrative power of the Government with the industrial autonomy of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry is a positive institutional cooperation.” [35] (P378-379) This characterization of the trade association as an “intermediate organization” is highly relevant, and, in addition to the trade association, similar organizations include “bands” that have evolved since the traditional trades, as in Lake Hong, where there is an organization called the “Fifty Band”, which is administered by the Chamber of Commerce [9] (P189-191). It is the existence of such sectoral autonomy that gives market forces the ability to compete with the Government, to a certain extent contributing to the growth of the market and the stability of the trading order. In the face of this organized resistance, the Provincial Construction Department has come to the preliminary view that “the discussion section should be suspended”. In January 1947, the Provincial Construction Department once again sent a dedicated staff to the Chamber of Commerce and the Fish Industry Association, which, according to the said member, listed the difficulties in organizing the fish market: “I. It is difficult to raise funds: people who operate the fish industry, with the exception of a few large-scale businesses, do not have the bulk of money to sustain their lives on a daily commission and therefore do not have the means to invest, and the risk of non-fish (fisher) workers being reluctant to invest in foreign investment, which would result in investment and the exploitation of the interests of fish workers, as well as non-fishers, is one of the difficulties in establishing the fish market. The profits from the fish market cannot be divided daily: the profits from the large fish market cannot be distributed on a day-to-day basis, and most households cannot sustain themselves. There is a contradiction in the interests of traffickers: the establishment of a fish market must include all three members of the same organization, and there is no distinction between those involved, with little income and double benefits for those involved in the fishing industry. 4. There is no excess production in Wuhan and no need to process and manufacture in order to sell it, so there is no need for a large-scale operation at this time. When a fish market is set up, it is feared that it will be monopolized by a few, and citizens will never be able to eat cheap fish.” According to the officer, “there is no reason to look at the above points, whether or not preparations for the Wuhan fish market have been suspended, so that the request for approval can be answered”.[36] On this occasion, fish operators provided detailed justifications for their inability to set up a fish market as required by the Government. Of a total of five points, the first and second points emphasize the limited capital and profitability of the fish industry, using its “weakness” as a weapon against the general government. Thirdly, the presentation of the National Government ' s holistic vision of the national fish market does not correspond to the reality in Wuhan. In the case of Wuhan, fisheries operators are divided into different groups, with both cooperation and conflict between groups, and the fact that Wuhan is a consumer market for fish products in the province does not function as a commodity distribution hub. The fifth point is the rejection of the fish market from the end of the “buy” in the sense of a “civilian” consumer, which in essence points out that government intervention in market prices, rather than the market's own pricing, would undermine the proper functioning of the economy. Also, perhaps, the fish market set-up is an incentive for the fish-lending component, which, in turn, requires the Government to do something in this regard, “finally and hopefully, it will be possible for the Government to organize large-scale fisherfolk production loans that will improve the lives of fishers and lower their prices”. This statement is not without merit, as it is described in the return. The policy is difficult to land, and in addition to the actual situation in the region, the fish industry has been affected by years of war. On 20 May 1947, in Wuchang, a city separate from the river of the Hanguchi Special City, the Fish Industry Council sent a brilliant message to the President of the Provincial Government, stating: “The fishing industry was particularly depressed after the North War. The city of Wuchang has been ordered to convene a fish trade, to form a market for fish in order to improve the fish (fishing) industry and to provide benefits to fishers. It's a good idea. After the capture of the fish, the loss of assets was exhausted, not only because of its inability to contribute capital, but also because of the fear of a significant impact on the life of the community as a whole. “The amount of capital set up in the fish market has been set at 200 million yuan, a huge sum that, although half of the business is divided, the total property of the fish business as a whole, worth 100 million yuan, is beyond its reach.”[37] Ultimately, these reasons were endorsed by the provincial government, and the provincial chief of construction, Tan Yuequan, gave an order in the aforementioned return: “Suspendment”. As a result, the National Government ' s initiative, which was fought by market forces, such as fish merchants and fish merchants, has stalled in provincial capitals and in the largest central city, even though other grass-roots fish markets have failed. Concluding remarks

Fish is divided between fresh fish and salted fish, which, because of their habit of eating fresh fish and being subjected to technical means such as conservation, makes the sale of water products local. This locality, on the one hand, has led to the emergence of a hierarchical structure at the market level at the grass-roots, middle-level and centre-level markets, where the middle-level market is only the pre-eminent of the grass-roots market, most of which is in a state of overlap, and where central fish markets have been established because of a larger consumer market. On the other hand, the local nature of the consumption of aquatic products has led to strong links between fishers and fishers and to the development of ethical relationships that are familiar. Following the defeat, the National Government promulgated the Fish Market Establishment Scheme, which, as can be seen from its provisions, attempts to establish a government-led fish market, with the participation of businessmen, and to involve State power in the field of economic circulation. Although the Government is primarily looking at the city and at the end of the “sale” in the aquaculture trade, and does not intend to infiltrate the relationship between fishers and fishers and fishers, it has been boycotted by fishmen and fishers, and finally has stalled. The organization of market forces, linked to the national government ' s institutional design of trade unions, has given the market a degree of autonomy and gaming capacity to provide market information that the government does not have at its disposal, and has to some extent impeded the implementation of the Government ' s decree. It can be said that the long-term growth and growth of the two are important clues to the development of modern Chinese history. Although the government-run fish market scheme, which was attempted during the national period, has been stalled, since the establishment of the new China, socialist reforms have been implemented in the area of aquatic circulation, prompting modern State forces to reach out to rural waters and water products. The strong involvement of the State forces replaced market forces that were originally located between the State and fishermen, altered the “know-the-people” ethical relationship between fish, fishers and fishermen and established a State-run system. As a result of the State-run system of State control and trust, the new China has established a “de-personalization” of the water society and the flow of water products, which has finally fulfilled what the national Government has failed to achieve. This also means ending the trajectory of historical changes in the field of aquatic circulation since it became clear. References

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Zhongxii. Recent developments in the Shanghai Sea Products Market. Jiangxi Social Science, 2020, (12). [7] Proclaims the Hubei Lake County Waterworks Office (internal information) / Beijing University Library. Beijing University Library collections rare squares: 266 volumes. Beijing: National Library Press, 2013.[8] Zongxiang. Hebei Near-earth Economic Trade History Series (1840-1949): Series 2. Wuhan: Editor's Office of Zhi Zhi Zhihuang Zhi, 1984.[9] Honghu County Waterworks Office (internal information). 1987. Zinjiang County Waterworks (internal information).

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[30] Instructions of the Ministry of Social Affairs on the method of setting up the fish market (1946-12)//Ministry of Social Affairs, Office of Construction of Hubei Province on the establishment of the Wuhan and Fish Markets, correspondence. Hubei Archives: Historical Archives LS006-002-0591-0002. [31] Ma Jinbo. Integration of Fisheries: Creation and Operations of the National Government Fishery Regime (1936-1948). University College of Pedagogical Sciences (Human and Social Science Edition), 2019,(3). Office of Construction of Hubei Province on the organization of the Wuhan and Fish Markets (1946)/Department of Public Affairs, Department of Hubei Province on the establishment of the Wuhan and Fish Markets.[19-002] 2007 [36] Letter from the Hubei Provincial Construction Department concerning the convening of a panel of law of the relevant authorities for the establishment of a market for Wuhan fish and correspondence from the Hubei Provincial Government (1946-1)/Government of Hubei Province, Construction Department of Hubei Province, Social Department of Hubei Province, Order of the Hubei Provincial Department on the procedure for the establishment of a market for fish in counties, Letter. Hubei Provincial Archives: Historical Archives LS031-003-0904-0008.[37] The Hubei Provincial Administration of the Wuchang Municipal Fish Industry Council requested authorization to set up a market for fish, a decree (1947-5-12)/Government of Hubei Province, the Hubei Provincial Construction Department, and the Hubei Provincial Social Department on the procedure for the establishment of a market for fish in counties, and correspondence. Hubei Provincial Archives: Historical Archives LS031-003-0904-0909099.09.