Mao Zedong's goal is to point to and value history.

Executive summary: Mao Zedong has repeatedly discussed Sun Zhongshan in his leadership of the Chinese revolution and construction practices, most of which took place during the national resistance period, which was almost interrupted between April 1927 and June 1936. This is closely related to the situation of the Chinese revolution and reflects the objectives of the Great Revolution, which led to the smooth implementation of cooperation between the first Republic of China; the war against Japan, which led to the establishment and consolidation of the national unity front against Japan; the eve of the victory and the establishment of a new China, which reinforced the historical necessity of the leadership of the Communist Party. Mao Zedong's account of Sun Zhongshan is a follow-up to the objective evaluation of Sun Zhongshan's historical status and contributions, lays the intellectual and theoretical foundation for the continuation and promotion of Sun Zhongshan's revolutionary spirit, and sets an example for the assessment of historical figures in a spirit of dialectical and historical materialism, with important historical values and far-reaching relevance. Keywords: Mao Zedong/ Sun Zhongshan/ Communist Party of China/ Three Democracys/ Anti-Japanese War/

Title Note: This document is a landmark result of the major project of the National Fund for Social Science, “History of the 100-year Communist Party newspaper (multivolume)” (20&ZD325). Introduction by Mr. Lin Tartwu, Professor, Doctoral Tutor, Marxist Institute, Beijing University, Research Fellow, Research Centre for the Research of China's Specialist Socialist Theory System. Published in the original language: Guide to Ideology Education (Kyoto), 2025, No. 10, pp. 68-79

Sun Zhongshan was a great figure at the forefront of the twentieth century. In its leadership of the Chinese Revolution and in its construction practices, Mao Zeddong spoke about Sun Zhongshan on several occasions, commenting on Sun Zhongshan ' s great achievements, building on Sun Zhongshan ' s historical image and providing important follow-up and guidance for the proper recognition and evaluation of Sun Zhongshan ' s historical status and contributions. On the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese people against the Japanese war, it remains of great historical value and relevance to look back to Mao Zedong ' s important statement about Sun Zhongshan. I. Basic documentation of Mao Zedong Sun Zhongshan

The Mao Zedong Selection, Mao Zedong Sing, etc. found that Sun Zhongshan was the most spoken historical figure in Mao Zedong. Similarly, the Communist Party of China (CPC) is talking about Mao Zedong, the largest leader of Sun Zhongshan. Mao Zedong's comments on Sun Zhongshan are of a clear and phased nature, both in terms of content and quantity. In summary, Mao Zedong's Sun Zhongshan is rich in literature, diverse in type and significant in number, and a total of 73 are not fully counted, as detailed in table 1. As can be seen from the table, 73 literature from Mao Zedong on Sun Zhongshan are distributed in each of the volumes 1 to 4 of the Mao Zedong Syndicate and in volumes 1 to 8 of the Mao Zedong Synth. Of these, the Mao Tse Tung Sing Sing was 25, while volume 2 was 10, the largest volume; and the Mao Sze Tung Sing was 48, with volumes 1 and 3, respectively, 11 and 12, the largest two volumes. These documents range from reports of important meetings, speeches and important and representative publications; reports, declarations and publications on behalf of the Centre; interviews with national and international personalities and journalists; and letters addressed to members of the National Party. It is worth noting that, on the thirteenth anniversary of Sun Zhongshan's death on 12 March 1938 and the ninetieth anniversary of Sun Zhongshan's birth on 12 November 1956, Mao wrote a special tribute to the life and great achievements of Sun Zhongshan. In terms of time lines, Mao's discussion of Sun Zhongshan has several features. First, the discussion focused mainly on the period of the neo-democratic revolution, with as many as 63. Second, there was a long break in the discussion, mainly from April 1927 to June 1936, which essentially corresponded to the period of the land revolution war. Thirdly, even during the period of the neo-democratic revolution, the focus was on the period of national resistance and the period before and after the establishment of the new China, of which 45 were national resistance. In addition, Mao's comments on Sun Zhongshan are mostly related to its three democratic ideas and revolutionary practices. These features are closely linked to the development of the revolutionary situation in China, and this is precisely the objective to be highlighted below. ii. Mao Zedong on Sun Zhongshan

The idea, practice and spirit of Sun Zhongshan is the subject of a study by the academic community. However, the objective underlying these elements needs to be further explored. In the literature, it was found that Mao's comments on Sun Zhongshan were closely related to the development of the Chinese revolution and the priorities of the Communist Party of China at different stages of its history. 1. Facilitating the smooth implementation of the first co-operation

During the first co-operation, Mao spoke of Sun Nakayama more in favour of its three-democratic claim than the others. In particular, after Sun Zhongshan’s death, the National Party’s internalization became increasingly fragmented, with its right-wing political needs and distorted interpretations of the three democratic principles, not only abandoning its revolutionary component, but also betraying the three main policies of the National Party, “Union of Russia, the United Nations, and support for agricultural workers.” In an effort to challenge the erroneous interpretation of the three democratic terms of the National Party's right and to renew the cooperation of the Communist Party, Mao proposed “the three democratic terms of the Revolution” when talking about Sun Nakayama. “Mr. Sun Zhongshan has given us the three democratic meanings of the revolution in an objective environment where China is oppressed by foreign forces, warlords, buyers and landowners.” He then explained the three democratic meanings of the revolution — “revolutionary nationalism calls us to resist imperialism and liberate the Chinese nation. The civil rights of the revolution called us to resist the warlords and to allow the Chinese people to stand on their own. The civilism of the revolution calls us to fight against the big business that buys and sells the class, especially the landowner, who is the source of all the fundamental reactionary forces of the feudal law, so that most of the poor in China enjoy economic well-being.” [1] On the occasion of the discussion of Sun Nakayama, Mao Zedong further clarified the specifics of the nationalism of the revolution, its civilism and its civilism, and the objectives and objectives of the Chinese revolution, as well as the need and importance of co-operation. At this stage, Mao Zedong's Sun Zhongshan was more motivated by the defence of the idea of the three democratic principles of Sun Zhongshan. “The civil liberties that he called for were not a strategy of a class to deceive a class for self-serving purposes, but rather a common political and economic demand of the revolutionary classes, whose representatives (Mr. Sun Zhongshan) took the platform of their political parties; the result was to build a nation under the rule of the revolutionary masses; ultimately, it was to eliminate imperialism throughout the world and to build a world union of true equality and freedom (i.e. human equality, common world) as advocated by Mr. Sun”. However, in 1925, in response to the question of what kind of philosophies China has in mind, Mao wrote: “I believe in communism and advocate a social revolution for the proletarians. Only the current internal and external oppression can be reversed by the efforts of the non-class, which advocates a national revolution based on cooperation between the proletariat, the small bourgeois and the left of the middle class, and the implementation of the three democratic tenets of the Chinese National Party, with a view to defeating imperialism, defeating warlords, defeating buyers and landowners, and bringing about a coalition of the proletariat, the small bourgeois and the left of the middle class, that is, the revolutionary people.” This response of Mao Zedong demonstrates his attitude towards the three democratic principles, namely, that the defence of the three democratic principles is to strengthen the foundations of common national cooperation and is based on the real needs of the Chinese revolution, rather than on the three democratic terms of reference at the outset. In the longer period following the collapse of the first co-operation, Mao's writings or interviews made little reference to Sun Zhongshan or to the three democratic concepts. During this period, the Communist Party of China went through the most difficult period since its establishment, both to resolve the “left” issues within the Party and to cope with Chiang Kai-shek's repeated “crowding” and, in particular, to be forced to march long after the defeat of the Shangjiang war, which caused huge losses to the Party and the Red Army. Neither Sun Zhongshan nor the three democratic principles have helped to resolve any of the problems faced by the party during this period, so Mao is not talking about Sun Zhongshan. After many years, Mao said that after the Great Revolution, we did not speak much of Sun Zhongshan, “because we were knocked down by the National Party, and we rose up with red eyes. Chiang Kai-shek is killing people in the name of Sun Zhongshan, a time when the crowd does not like Sun Zhongshan”. During the Land Revolution War, the Communist Party “can't stand up without leaving Sun Nakayama”. [2] 275 It follows that Mao's comments on Sun Zhongshan were largely driven by the circumstances of the Chinese revolution and were clearly realistic and targeted, reflecting a combination of the principles and flexibility of the revolution. 2. Furthering the establishment of the National Unity Front against Japan

In October 1935, Mao was able to rethink the Chinese Revolution when the crisis of the survival of the Party and the Red Army was temporarily lifted when Mao led the Red Zedong army to the victory division of Wu Qing Town in Shuibei and the North-West Red Army. As Japan accelerates its aggression against China, ethnic tensions have risen to become China ' s main paradox. At this time, uniting all forces capable of uniting, defeating the Japanese imperialist aggression and becoming the inevitable choice of the Chinese revolution. As a result, the establishment of the National Unity Front against Japan has become one of the major tasks of the Communist Party of China in leading the Chinese revolution at this stage, and is an extremely important reality for the Chinese revolution. During this period, the main thrust of Mao's discourse on Sun Zhongshan was largely centred on the establishment and consolidation of the National Unity Front against Japan, but the specifics were focused at different stages. The Communist Party of China (CPC) had begun to seek to cooperate with the National Party in its struggle against Japan's aggression against China before the Lugu Bridge had changed. In the second half of 1936, Mao Zedong spoke in an interview with the American journalist Snow and expressed the hope that he would oppose those Nationalists who had surrendered to Japan and “help to restore and re-establish Sun Zhongshan's fundamental principles of the Great Revolution” and “help to realize Sun Zhongshan's will and oppose Japanese imperialism”. [1] 409 He wrote letters to prominent members of the National Party (NP) such as Song Zi Wen and Cai Yuan Pei, to persuade members of the National Party (NP) to actively fight against the Japanese Saviour and to restore “the spirit of Mr. Sun Zhongshan's revolution of 1927 and to pursue the three main policies of U.R.U.S. agricultural workers, not only to save the country, but also to save themselves”. 1,420 and expressed the desire to cooperate with the National Party in the fight against the death of the Japanese and expressed the hope that the National Party would resume “the three main policies of Mr. Sun Nakayama and the United Russian Federation (RUC) agricultural workers, stop attacking the Red Army and open up all parties to the ban”. 1,435, “Renewing the three democratic tenets of Mr. Sun Nakayama's revolution and the spirit of the three main policies, saving the lives of 450,000 fellow citizens from the depths of war, convening a congress of representatives of the various factions of the party to fight against the Japanese National Salvation Army, convening a popularly elected National Assembly, establishing a unified defence government from abroad, and establishing a genuine democratic republic, so that the country will be rich and prosperous and its nation free from the forest”. In a letter to Song Qingage, Mao Zedong stated that “it is only Mr. Sun and our comrades who, after 1927, can truly continue the spirit of the revolutionary salvation of Mr. Sun Zhongshan” and considered that “acts contrary to the three democratic principles and the three main policies of Mr. Sun Zhongshan's revolution should not be tolerated by the majority of the members of the National Party but should be corrected”. [1] 441

If Mao had merely expressed the wish of the United Nations Democratic Party (NDP) in 1936, by 1937 Mao had begun to build the foundations of a united national anti-Japanese front at the ideological and practical levels by explaining the compatibility of communism with the three democratic principles, the policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) and Sun Zhongshan's democratic doctrine. Mao admits that “the Communist Party of China has its own political and economic agenda. Its highest platform is socialism and communism, which are different from the three democratic purposes”. [3] 259 However, he stressed that “the Communist Party's programme for a democratic revolution, which is essentially in conflict with the three-democratic principles proclaimed by the first National Congress of the National Party,” and that “the three-democratic principles of Mr. Sun Nakayama's revolution, which were firmly implemented by Mr. Sun in cooperation with the Communist Party, acquired the faith of the people and became the banner of the triumphant revolution of 1924-1927”. [3] 259, and in the decade between 1927 and 1937, when the united front broke down, all the policies pursued by the Communist Party were “essentially consistent with the three democratic principles and the revolutionary spirit of the three main policies of Mr. Sun Zhongshan”. [4] The Communist Party has always opposed imperialism and is a complete nationalism; the application of the democratic system of labour and agriculture is a complete civilism; and the land revolution is a complete civilism. Therefore, the Communist Party of China “not only does it reject the three democratic principles, but is willing to apply them with determination and demands that the National Party join us in implementing them and that the people of the country adopt them”. [3] 259 The Communist Party even temporarily set aside land issues in order to unite the nation and all sectors in the struggle against Japan, affirming the abolition of the democratic dictatorship of industrial and agricultural workers and the end of the confiscation of land of landowners, “in order to unite more people against Japanese imperialism”[4] 368, in order to establish a national and democratic united front. As for the situation in which the two parties were in opposition at the time, Mao explained this. This confrontation stems from “the fact that, at the beginning of the summer of 1997, the National Party abandoned the unity of the two parties of the Communist Party, abandoned Mr. Sun's United Republic of Korea and agro-industrial policy, abandoned the platform of national independence and democratic freedom and moved to the opposite direction”. Thus, the Communist Party of China “takes responsibility for the Chinese revolution alone and implements the policies of the Soviet regime and the land revolution”. [1] 480 The land revolution policy of the Communist Party of China is “no more than Mr. Sun Nakayama's claim to have a field”. As for the Communist Party of China's belief in communism, it does not affect the cooperation between the two parties, after all, “Mr. Sun agreed that we believed in communism at the same time as we did when we were alive ... As long as the current revolutionary political platform is agreed, it forms the basis of the unity and salvation of the country, we can dispel all suspicion and embark on the path of the struggle together”. [1] 492

In the face of Japan's imperialist aggression against China, Mao realized that “the only way to save the crisis is through the will of Mr. Sun Nakayama, namely, the `Calling the People', to mobilize the public to join in the struggle against Japanese national unity. However, the authoritarian, repressive policies pursued by the National Party are contrary to the “move the people”, and reliance on the National Party's “single government and military resistance will never prevail over Japanese imperialism”. [4] 366 Accordingly, Mao Zedong stated that “a comprehensive national approach to combat must be achieved by abandoning the purely governmental approach to combat” [para. 4,556, “The Government must unite with the people to restore the whole spirit of Mr. Sun's revolution”. 4] 356-357, “A national and sub-national programme to combat the day must be implemented jointly”. [4] Mao Zedong referred at this time to the “Programme for the total fight against Japan”, which is the Ten Platforms for the Republic of China's Rescue against Japan proposed by the Communist Party of China in accordance with the three democratic principles of Sun Zhongshan Revolution and the spirit of three major policies. The Ten Platforms for Saving the Nation by Japan are based on the three democratic principles of Sun Zhongshan Revolution and the spirit of three major policies, but their acceptance across society is still being tested. As a result, Mao, while insisting in an interview with British journalists, “to adopt a common platform to govern the actions of the various parties”, changed the expression of the common platform, stating that the Communist Party endorsed the three democratic terms of the Revolution in Sun Zhongshan, the three main policies and their will “as a common platform for the unity of the various parties”. [4] 377 Although this common platform has not been recognized by all parties, the Communist Party of China (CPC) is willing to continue to explain and convince the National Party (NP) and the people of the country in order to save their national lives, and UNDPC and all other patriotic parties “will ensure that the three democratic principles of a genuine revolution, the three main policies and the wills of the Sun are fully and completely implemented throughout the country, with a view to broadening and consolidating the national unity front against Japan”. [4] 377

In March 1938, Mao Zedong addressed the General Assembly in commemoration of the 13th anniversary of Sun Zhongshan's death and in commemoration of the death of the enemy, considering that the greatness of Sun Zhongshan lies “on his three-democratic platform, on the policy of the united front, on the spirit of hard work” and introducing “the three-democratic platform and on the united front policy” [para. The contribution of Sun Zhongshan to the Chinese nation is considered the greatest. Also in the same year, Mao began to explore in depth the development of the Chinese Revolution and the Communist Party of China, and then presented the proposition of Marxist Chinaization. He noted that “the great power of Marx Leninism lies in its connection with the specific revolutionary practices of individual countries”. [4] 534 Thus, history should not be cut off and “from Konfko to Sun Zhongshan” should be summed up so as to “apply the Marx Leninist theory to China's specific environment”. [4] 534

In the early days of the Second Communist Party, Mao raised the banner of Sun Zhongshan in exchange for wider recognition, demonstrating the consistency and compatibility of the Communist Party's policy programme with Sun Zhongshan's democratic philosophy. In the middle of the war against Japan, the Nationalist Party started at the end of 1939. Before and after the first anti-communist climax, the Chinese Communist Party, represented mainly by Comrade Mao, began a theoretical struggle with the obstinate National Party (NP) on the three democratic principles. In the process, Mao, while still raising the banner of Sun Zhongshan, clarified the difference between communism and the three democratic meanings and built a system of neo-democratic theories based on an in-depth discussion of the Chinese Revolution and the development of the Communist Party of China. In Mao’s view, the true three democratic principles are those of Sun Zhongshan, as re-explained in the Declaration of the First National Congress of China’s National Party, the “three democratic purposes of the United Nations, the United Republic of Tanzania and the Republic’s policy of support for agricultural workers” and the three democratic terms of the Communist Party’s statement that it “will strive for its complete realization.” [4] Mao Zedong stated that the new three democratic terms “are the three democratic terms of neo-democraticism, the development of the old three democratic terms and the great credit of Mr. Sun Nakayama” [4] 692-693, and that “only these three democratic terms are the same as the Chinese Communist Party's political platform during the period of the democratic revolution, its minimum platform”. [4] 693

While affirming that communism and the three democratic concepts share the same elements, Mao has further clarified the differences between them, such as the differences in the programmes at the stage of the democratic revolution, the differences in the stage of the socialist revolution, the differences in the view of the universe, and the radical differences of the revolution, which have culminated in the construction of the theoretical framework of neo-democraticism. After the construction of the framework of neo-democratic theory, especially in the post-war period, Mao, when discussing the three democratic concepts of Sun Zhongshan, the concept of neo-democraticism occupied the dominant position in comparison to previous revolutionary theories and revolutionary ideas, which were largely interpreted by the “revolutionary three democratic terms”, and the reference to the three democratic terms was more to enrich and develop it as a reference point than neo-democratic. In this process, Mao continues to affirm the commonality between the three democratic tenets of the revolution and neo-democraticism. “Building a neo-democratic China, the three-democratic China of the Revolution”. [6] 807 states that the neo-democratic politics, economy and culture are in line with Sun's revolutionary ideas and principles. “For Chinese Communists, fighting for their party's minimum platform and for Mr. Sun's revolution's three democratic meanings, the New Three Democracys, is essentially (not in all respects) a matter” and “the Chinese Communist Party is the most loyal and thorough implementer of the three democratic ideals of the revolution”. [6] In addition to affirming the common ground, Mao agreed that the Communist Party's “new democratic agenda is much more complete than Mr. Sun's, of course; in particular, the development of the Chinese revolution in the 20 years since his death has given rise to a great development in the theory, programme and practice of our neo-democratic party and will be further developed in the future”. [6] 1061 “The three democracies of Sun Zhongshan are worse than our neo-democraticism, which is indeed more progressive, more developed and more complete than the three democracies. Today's neo-democraticism will be more complete in the future.” [2] These statements suggest that the neo-democratic theory is the theoretical weapon of the Communist Party of China (CPC) revolution and point the way forward for its success. 3. The historical imperative to strengthen the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party

In criticizing Chiang Kai-shek as the leader of the National Party, Mao Zedong frequently refers to Sun Zhongshan, whose main elements are focused on two aspects: on the one hand, the National Party headed by Chiang Kai-shek is critical of its departure from the three democratic concepts of Sun's Revolution and, on the other hand, the Communist Party of China, which is the successor to Sun Zhongshan's three democratic meanings of the Revolution and to the revolutionary cause, “only the Communist Party believes in the three democratic meanings of the revolution advocated by Mr. Sun Zhongshan and is truly in force”.[7]209. According to Mao, his attitude towards the National Party, headed by Sun Nakayama, and the National Party, headed by Chiang Kai-shek, is very different and is in fact related to the struggle for revolutionary speech and even leadership. Mao Zedong said without a doubt that China was a struggle between revolution and counterrevolution between 1927 and 1937, during which time Chiang Kai-shek was counterrevolutionary. [4] 545-546 was precisely the result of the counter-revolution of Chiang Kai-shek, “politically and culturally, cutting down the three main policies of Sun Zhongshan and his new three democratic meanings, causing a deep disaster for the Chinese nation”. [4] The National Party, headed by Chiang Kai-shek, as a counter-revolutionary force, has departed from the three democratic tenets of Sun Zhongshan Revolution and is clearly not qualified to lead the Chinese Revolution. At the end of the post-war period, Mao further highlighted the issue of the leadership of the Communist Party of China. In a speech delivered at the opening of the Central Party School on 8 August 1943, Mao said: “Now that the National Party is fighting, the National Party is engaged in a two-sided policy of fighting and opposing the Communist Party. To win the democratic revolution in China, the Communist Party must lead.” [2] On the eve of the victory, with the strength of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) and the backlash of the National Party (NP), the Chinese Communist Party, represented mainly by Comrade Mao, openly identified itself as the successor to Sun Zhongshan's revolutionary cause. In the United Government, Mao claimed that after Chiang Kai-shek was in power, the National Party, headed by Chiang Kai-shek, “have totally betrayed Sun Nakayama's claim”. [6] 1075, however, “the three democratic meanings of Mr. Sun Nakayama's revolution, abandoned by the reactionaries of the National Party, were inherited by the Chinese people, the Chinese Communist Party and other democratic elements”. [6] Mao Zedong calls: “All the patriotic and conscientious officers of the National Party's army should rise to restore Mr. Sun's spirit and reform their army.” [6] 1073-1074

Since then, Mao has become increasingly critical of Chiang Kai-shek. “It is no accident that Chiang Kai-shek's current policy of civil war is the corollary of the consistent anti-people policy of Chiang Kai-shek and his reactionary groups. As long ago as 16 years ago (1927), Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the Revolutionary Union of the Communist Party and the three democratic principles and three policies of Sun Zhongshan's revolution, thus establishing a dictatorship, surrendering imperialism, waging 10 years of civil war and causing Japanese aggression.” [8] 1236 he repeatedly accused the National Party, led by Chiang Kai-shek, of “neglecting Sun Nakayama's policy, standing on the imperialist counter-revolutionary front and opposing his country”. [8] Before the establishment of New China, Mao Zedong criticized Chiang Kai-shek, “Sun Zhongshan is dead and Chiang Kai-shek is up. For a long period of 22 years, Chiang Kai-shek dragged China into a desperate situation”. [8] 1471 “Chang Kai-shek betrayed Sun Zhongshan and took the dictatorship of the bureaucratic bourgeois and landowners as a tool to oppress Chinese civilians.” [8] 1478, however, under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the theory and practice of the Chinese revolution “wevely advanced and fundamentally changed the face of China”. [8] Mao Zedong's criticism of Chiang Kai-shek focused on his betrayal of Sun Zhongshan's three democratic terms and three main policies and his betrayal of the Communist Party's cooperation, while the Communist Party of China inherited Sun Zhongshan's three democratic terms, which gave a strong impetus to the Second Union of Nations Cooperation and promoted the development of national resistance, which culminated in the victory of the neo-democratic revolution. It is in comparing the different attitudes of Chiang Kai-shek and the Chinese Communist Party towards the three democratic terms of Sun Zhongshan's Revolution that Mao Zedong emphasized that the Communist Party is the successor to Sun Zhongshan's Revolution and the cause of the Revolution and the true leader of the Chinese Revolution. After the establishment of the new China, Mao Zedong has taken the Chinese Communist Party as the successor to Sun Zhongshan’s revolution. On the occasion of the 90th anniversary of Sun Zhongshan's birth, Mao said: “We have completed the uncompleted democratic revolution of Mr. Sun and have developed it into a socialist revolution. We are completing this revolution.” [9] On 23 September 1961, in a conversation with Montgomery, Mao said that Sun Zhongshan had not completed the revolution, “we took over and finished it in 1949”. This means that the unfinished bourgeois democratic revolution led by Sun Zhongshan was carried over by the Chinese Communist Party, which led and completed the socialist revolution on the basis of the victory of the neo-democratic revolution. Taken together, Mao's account of Sun Zedang went back and forth through several important stages of the neo-democratic revolution, the socialist revolution and the construction period. These statements are closely related to China's revolutionary situation, as Mao said: “It is hard to wonder why Sun Zhongshan should not be used in a decade of civil war, because we are so small. Our strength was small at the beginning of the resistance, so what happened at Sun Zhongshan didn't matter at that time, because people looked down on us. The more powerful we are in the future, the more we want Sun Zhongshan, the better it will be, the better it will be.” [2] 321-322 is precisely because of the circumstances of the Chinese revolution, and Mao Zedong has focused on Sun Zhongshan's focus, mostly on Sun Zhongshan's three democratic doctrine and revolutionary practice, albeit with different orientations, essentially to promote and inherit the spirit of Sun Zhongshan's revolution, an objective that has indeed been achieved. Mao Zedong's assessment of Sun Zhongshan and its historical value

Sun Zhongshan's commitment to the revolution for 40 years and its recognition and evaluation of the historical status and contributions of China in the history of the revolution and in the near modern history of China are important and of historical value and relevance to Mao's discussion of Sun Zhongshan. 1. To provide an objective assessment of Sun Zhongshan ' s historical status and contributions

Mao's assessment of Sun Zhongshan is based solely on what he calls Sun Zhongshan, and there are great leaders, great revolutionaries, leaders of the Chinese national revolution, great revolution pioneers, and pioneers of the Chinese revolution. In October 1925, Mao Zedong called him a leader three times in the Journal of the Congress of Party Representatives of Guangdong Province, namely, “The Great Leader, Mr. Sun Nakayama”, “The late leader, Mr. Sun Nakayama”, “The Great Leader is dead and the Revolution's Three Democracys are not dead”.[ 1/15 Highlighted the significant role played by Sun Zhongshan in the Chinese revolution and its high status. In March 1938, Mao used the term “Big Revolutionr” [5] 111 “Great Revolutionr” [5] 112] for the first time, as a vivid picture of Sun Zhongshan's commitment to the Revolution for 40 years. In March 1945, Mao called Sun Zhongshan the “flag” for the first time, highlighting Sun Zhongshan's significant contribution to the Chinese revolution. He said, "The American Communist Party is now using Washington and Lincoln as its own flag, and we have Sun Zhongshan." 2,374, emphasizing that “we should have a clear mind to raise the flag of Sun Zhongshan”. [2] 322 flags are in the direction, and the “lifting of the flag of Sun Zhongshan” demonstrates that the Communist Party of China is committed to the correct direction of Sun Zhongshan's revolution in order to lead the Chinese revolution to a final victory. In 1948, Mao used the term “China Revolution pioneer” [8] 1359 to evaluate Sun Zhongshan and to position Sun Zhongshan as a prophet in the Chinese Revolution. From these terms, Mao Zedong's assessment of Sun Zhongshan is from the perspective of the Chinese revolution and summarizes the place and role of Sun Zhongshan in the recent Chinese revolution. The specific name of Mao Zedong for Sun Zhongshan, on the one hand, summarizes its historical status and contributions, and on the other hand, the “revolutionary pioneer” remains the basic point of evaluation for Sun Zhongshan. For example, Jiang Zemin was called “Mr. Sun Nakayama, the great revolutionary pioneer of the Chinese nation”. In his address to the 130th anniversary of Mr. Sun's birth, he stated: “Mr. Sun is an outstanding patriot and national hero and a great pioneer of the Chinese democratic revolution.” [11] 593 Here follows the assessment of “the great pioneer of China's democratic revolution” and states that “Mr. Sun is an outstanding patriot and national hero”. 11] 593, a new assessment of Sun Zhongshan's historical status. In addition, he uses “Sun Zhongshan, the leader of China's democratic revolution”. 12] 62, “The great pioneer of our democratic revolution, Mr. Sun Nakayama” [12] 67, etc. Hu Jintao said: “Guide Mau Zedong once described Mr. Sun Zhongshan, who led the Sinhe Revolution, as the great pioneer of the Chinese democratic revolution.” [13] In his address to the 140th anniversary of the birth of Mr. Sun Zhongshan, he called “the distinguished patriot and national hero, Mr. Sun Zhongshan, the great pioneer of the Chinese democratic revolution”. [14] It is clear that this follows Mao Zedong and Jiang Zemin's assessment of Sun Zhongshan. In his address to the General Assembly in commemoration of the centenary of the Xinhe Revolution, Hu Jintao stated: “Mr. Sun is a great national hero, great patriot and great pioneer of the Chinese democratic revolution.” [15] The “three greats” of 556-557 are clearly a new overview of Sun Zhongshan. In his address to the 150th anniversary of Mr. Sun's birth and at the 110th anniversary of the Xinhe Revolution, Xi reiterated that “Mr. Sun is a great national hero, great patriot and great pioneer of the Chinese democratic revolution”. Thus, the Chinese Communist Party's assessment of Sun Zhongshan is consistent and rich, and reflects a combination of inheritance and development. 2. Building intellectual and theoretical foundations for the continuation and promotion of the spirit of Sun Zhongshan Revolution

Sun Zhongshan has devoted his whole life to the independence of the Chinese nation and the liberation of the Chinese people, and although he has not been able to accomplish this great historic task, his hard-working spirit of revolution is “one of the most central and most great heritage left to us”, and all members of the National Party, Communists and fellow patriots “shall accept it and build on it”. [5] 112-113

Sun Zhongshan recalls the history of the revolution, which stated: “Thirty years have passed since We left the country, and we have spent our entire lives studying, doing our best, being honest and invincible, with all the power of the Qing Dynasty, and with all the hardships that we have suffered. I'm looking forward to it, and I'm getting worse and worse." [17] 157. It is for this reason that Mao believes that “Mr. Sun's greatness, his hard work, his indomitableness and the spirit of the revolution, without which his will and his policies cannot be realized”, he has continued. [5] 111-112 is an interpretation of the interrelationship between Sun Zhongshan's ideology, policy and spirituality and reflects the unique value of hard work to Sun Zhongshan's revolutionary career. Thus, Sun Zhongshan has committed itself to the revolution for 40 years, which, however difficult and difficult it may have been, “has always been more frustrated, more and more indomitable and more”. [5] 112 Similarly, Sun Zhongshan took the world's place and “destroyed the country and did not cure the family” [para. 18] 640, dedicated to the life of the individual, regardless of his or her personal safety, honour and loss, in the pursuit of national liberation, civil liberties and the well-being of his or her people. This spirit of selfless dedication to the revolution, as Mao Zeddong put it in his article “In memory of Mr. Sun Zhongshan, he has devoted his whole life to transforming China, and has done his best to die”. [9] 157

Indeed, Sun Zhongshan, in his efforts to revolution, also stated: “China is a united country, which is firmly embedded in our historic consciousness, which has enabled us to be preserved as a nation”. [17] 528-529 “Unification is the hope of all Chinese nationals. The people of the country shall be blessed if they are able to unite; if they are not, they shall suffer”. 18] 373, also an important expression of the spirit of Sun Zhongshan Revolution. Full reunification of the motherland is the fundamental interest of the Chinese nation, without which there can be no great revival of the Chinese nation. Therefore, we will continue to learn and inherit the precious spirit of Sun Zhongshan in the new era of the great renaissance of the Chinese nation through China-style modernization, highlighting the important historical and long-standing values of Sun Zhongshan's revolution. Thus, the Communist Party of China has not only inherited Sun Zhongshan ' s revolutionary three-democratic and revolutionary causes, but has also inherited and promoted Sun Zhongshan ' s hard-won struggle, indomitableness, commitment and commitment to the full reunification of the country. This spirit is also an important asset that inspires the Communist Party of China to continue the socialist revolution and to build, to explore reform and openness and to modernize socialism. 3. To set an example for the consistent assessment of historical figures for adversarial and historical materialism

The question of how to evaluate historical figures has always been an important issue of historical research, which concerns history and reality. Mao Zedong is concerned with the evaluation of Sun Zhongshan and its revolutionary cause. The above-mentioned analysis of the historical status, historical contributions and revolutionary spirit of Sun Zedong is already an assessment, so what are the positions, perspectives and methods of evaluating historical figures? Mao Zedong's Sun Zhongshan has set an example for us to evaluate historical figures, namely, to insist on adversarial materialism and historical materialism. First, Mao's assessment of Sun Zhongshan insists on historical continuity and stratification. Mao divided the 40-year history of Sun Nakayama's lifetime revolution into three periods: one in preparation for the democratic revolution, one in Xinhe and one in cooperation. At different times, Sun Zhongshan ' s revolutionary achievements were different. [9] 156 Sun Zhongshan was the founder and leader of the Chinese National Party, and Mao's assessment of Sun Zhongshan was often linked to the National Party. In August 1937, he stated: “In the period of the first unification front, it was a revolutionary and dynamic coalition of the various classes of the democratic revolution, as it implemented the three main policies of the United States, the United States, the United States, and the Assistance to Workers and Agriculture in Sun Zhongshan. After 1927, the National Party became a reactionary group of landowners and large bourgeoises. In December 1996, after the change in Xi'an, a shift began towards ending the civil war and joining the Communist Party against Japanese imperialism. This is the characteristic of the National Party in three stages.” [3] 315-316 means that the peculiarity of the National Party ' s contradictions at all stages of development must be seen not only in its connection, but in its entirety, but also in all aspects of the contradictions at all stages. Thus, the evaluation of the National Party also adheres to historical continuity and stratification. Second, Mao insisted on a development-oriented assessment of Sun Zhongshan. According to Mao, “the development of the old three democratic terms into the new three democratic terms during the first period of co-operation” is an “absolute achievement” for Sun. [9]156 He noted that the three democratic terms of the three main policies, the three democratic terms of the revolution, “are the three democratic terms of the neo-democraticism, the development of the old three democratic terms and the great credit of Mr. Sun Nakayama”. 692-693 was created at a time when the Chinese revolution was part of a socialist world revolution. At the same time, in his view, the three democratic tenets of the revolution were “some development in form and content, which will certainly be further developed in the future”. [5] At the same time, Mao Zedong assessed Sun Zhongshan from a long period of time of the Chinese revolution, saying: “The democratic revolution in China is difficult. Forty years of the old democratic revolution, Nakayama, failed. It was also difficult and difficult for us to engage in a neo-democratic revolution.” [2] 59 means that the neo-democratic revolution is the development and transcendence of the old democratic revolution, that the old democratic revolution led by Sun Zhongshan has failed and that the neo-democratic revolution led by the Communist Party of China has been successful through difficult and difficult times. Thirdly, Mao's assessment of Sun Zhongshan was consistent in its dialectic. Mao Zedong, on the one hand, is highly appreciative of Sun Zhongshan's historical status and contributions, while, on the other hand, he points to the weaknesses and shortcomings of Sun Zhongshan, such as the fact that Sun Zhongshan's claims to “average land rights” and “farmers have their fields” have not been implemented on their own initiative, the compromise to reactionary forces such as Yuan Shiqi following the Xinhe Revolution, the incompleteness of the doctrine of democracy, the limited understanding of revolutionary leadership, etc. As Mao said, “Same as many of the great historical figures who stood in the positive direction of the times have their shortcomings, Mr. Sun has his shortcomings. This is to be explained by historical conditions, to be understood and not to be imposed upon the former ones”. [9] Mao Zedong highly values the historic significance of Sun Zhongshan's Xinhe revolution, which was led by Sun Zhongshan and one of his members, as one of the bourgeois democratic revolutions in human history... He publicly called for a bourgeois democratic revolution, overthrew the Qing Dynasty, put an end to China ' s feudal monarchy for over 2,000 years, established the Republic of China and the Interim Revolutionary Government, and enacted a Temporary Treaty Act. After the Sinha revolution, whoever wants to become an emperor can't do it. So we say it has great historical significance”. [19] At the same time, he said, “Look, isn't it victory that the Xinhe Revolution drove the Emperor away? To say that it failed means that the Xinhe Revolution had driven only one emperor away, that China was still under imperialism and feudalism, and that the anti-imperial and anti-prosecution revolution had not been completed.” [4] 564 That is to say that the Sinha revolution “has its victories and its failures”. [4] 564 This is an important manifestation of Mao's adherence to a unified position, view and methodology in evaluating historical figures and their leadership. In addition, Mao Zedong stated that “the anti-imperial and anti-prohibited bourgeois democratic revolution in China began formally with Mr. Sun Zhongshan”. [4] 563 Such important insights and perspectives have been the findings of research on the history of the Chinese revolution and the near-modern history of China. The Marxist Theoretical Research and Construction Project, the Outline of China's Recent Modern History, quotes Mao from the history of the Xinhe Revolution, the reasons for its failure and lessons learned. [20] 81,87

In conclusion, Mao has studied and explained Sun's revolutionary ideas and practices in the context of the evolution of China's revolutionary situation in the great practice of leading the Chinese revolution and building it. In particular, during the national resistance, Mao's discourse on Sun Zedong was largely centred on the establishment and consolidation of the National Unity Front against Japan. On the one hand, it criticized the National Party, led by Chiang Kai-shek, for its departure from the three democratic principles of Sun Zhongshan's revolution and, on the other hand, for its anti-revolutional path, it had played an important role in the victory against the Japanese war by uniting and fighting for progressives within the National Party and for all sectors of the national party. Mao Zedong's evaluation of Sun Zhongshan provides a good understanding and appreciation of historical figures, provides an example of how to follow, and lays the intellectual foundation for the continuation and promotion of Sun Zhongshan's revolutionary spirit, with important historical value and far-reaching relevance. Notes:

1 See Chen Jinlong, “Mao Zedong The Sun Zhongshan”, CCP History Study, No. 3, 1998. References to the original language

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