Reaction to left-wing behaviour in the context of national governance

Since the establishment of the Republic of China, the Sioux region has been on the path of local government of the Chinese Communist Party, during which the reaction to the left, guided by the maintenance of the new national order, has been marked by a deep impression of the governance of the State. The practice of dealing with left-wing behaviour in the region, with its strong theoretical, practical and methodological implications, has led to the dissemination of ideas of governance, good governance, clear institutional norms and a deepening of ideological cautions, and has set in motion a great journey towards the political and social governance of the Communist Party. Mao Zedong and Zhang Zhang Zhang are the flags of the people who have dealt with left-hand behaviour and practical governance. State governance is both a powerful context and a driving force for their dealings with left-hand behaviour and a unique place and stage. In the form of laws, directives, articles and so forth, they have maintained the relevance, normative, logical and uninterrupted nature of their response, and have demonstrated their firm determination and thorough thinking in the maintenance of political affairs and social order, as well as their political wisdom and the art of governance. The convergence of two people, who had different political trajectories, provided an important intellectual basis and historical experience for compliance and subsequent CCP to recognize and address “left” errors. Keywords: Governance of the State/ Mao Zedong/ Zhang Zhang Zhai/ Trans-left behaviour/ response/

Author ' s summary: Ho Tomoyan, Researcher at the History Unit of the Party of the Chinese Communist Party of Jiangxi Province, and Invited Researcher at the National Research Centre for Red Genetic Passage. Source: Party Svencheng (Nangchang), 2025, No. 3, pp. 5-19.

I. A phenomenon that is somewhat obscured

On 10 July 1934, a sharp article appeared in the Central Organ of the Communist Party, The Struggle. This long article, entitled " Opposite leftism against the small bourgeois class " , was written by the then President of the People ' s Committee of the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party and Minister of Information. The whole text, in its wide-ranging and multidimensional form, strongly denounces the existence of “extreme leftism” in the region, stating clearly that “the most resolute struggle with extreme leftism” “do not fear the fear of the left-hand revolutionaries”. One article brought to a new height the statements against the left since the establishment of the interim central Government of the Republic of China, which showed more focused and visible the context and pragmatic character of national governance in response to the “left” error. The response to left-wing behaviour since the establishment of the interim central Government was carried out in the context of State governance 3. The Republic of China, which was established in November 1931, forms a new form of State and social functioning, both in form and in practice. Since then, the operation of the Sioux region has entered the path of local and national governance in the CCP, which, although not yet a well-established state, is deeply marked by almost all strategic thinking, policy roots and practical implementation. In principle and in practice, the logic inherent in the Sioux district ' s response to the left is also aimed at the implementation and maintenance of the State ' s governance order and the national interest, both in terms of its occurrence and its direction. In previous studies, the outcome of the Central Soviet period's opposition to the “left” blunder was explored. These studies are of both depth and breadth, but in general they tend to be part of an examination of the policies and behaviour of overfire in a given field, such as the anti-rebellion, the search of the field, and the expansion of the Red Movement, especially in the case of anti-extension errors, the search of the field and the implementation of labour policy. In terms of vision and approach, the perception of the case of a “left” error in the context of the road struggle is largely a reflection of the political route in which Wang Ming's “left” dogmaticism is raging in the Sioux region, focusing on the political track struggle, and a lack of research into the de facto reactionary behaviour based on State governance. In fact, the response of the interim central Government to the behaviour of the left after its establishment, involving a shift in the anti-left focus and field in the Sioux region, is an area of little focus but worth exploring, with greater research space and recognition. Was the Sioux district under “left” rule? Why, in the context of “left” rule, which is becoming more intense and even “left” central migration to the Central Sioux region, is there such a wide and sharp “left” rhetoric, which seeks to improve class relations and stabilize social order, as Mao said, that the party has learned the art of “national security”? How has the interim central Government responded to left-hand behaviour, what has been achieved, what has been the dilemma? The clarification of these issues has helped to shed light on the rich historical context and content, and has led to a more in-depth reading of the Chinese Communist Party ' s struggle history and its experience in government. II. Mainly pointing to left-hand behaviour that undermines the governance order of the State

The main thrust of the interim central Government's “left” error should be directed to the salient features, which are closely linked to the requirements and objectives of national governance, primarily to the political, economic and social order required to affect the objectives of national governance, and to discourage and correct the excesses of national will and policy implementation. The response is almost exclusively government behaviour in the context of State governance, mainly in four areas. The first is to respond to mass, industry-based “left” overloads of social governance crises. One of the largest governance crises in the Central Sudan region was a massive workers ' general strike led by trade unions at the provincial and district levels between late 1932 and early 1933. This strike by the general union of workers, shopkeepers and hard labour, known as the “Year-Closed Struggle”, took place in the ten counties of Regina and Liantin, the heart of the Su district. During this strike, workers blackmailed national labour laws and powerful speech, imposing unlimited wage increases and other special requirements on private owners “more than the capacity of the enterprise”, leading to the “failure to continue” of private enterprises “to shut down many small businesses” and “to make social and Red Army supplies difficult”. The workers' strike, which took place in the context of the partial administration of the Communist Party of China, undermined the normal economic and social order in the region, constituted a serious shock to the newly established new State regime and its social governance, and was identified as a “serious `left' error”5 and caused strong alarm and dissatisfaction among the Party and the regime. A struggle against left-wing behaviour involving legal changes, theoretical education and criticism of public opinion, aimed at reconciling the conflict between workers and private owners, between workers and farmers and between teachers, and at re-establishing social relations and social order, took place on a large scale in the region. To this end, the Interim Central Government specifically amended the Labour Code, in which Chen Yun and Liu Shaoqi, the main leaders of the National General Trade Union, wrote several articles against the word “left” and severely criticized and corrected the “left” overthrew by trade unions and workers. The second is to respond to the “left” overloads of aggression against Chinese farmers and the disruption of rural class relations and social order. From the point of view of national governance, the key to social stability in rural areas is to address good rural class relations. The proper analysis and treatment of the rural class and its inter-relationship has been a creative experience in the mobilization and social reconstruction of the Communist Party. However, with the establishment of the new regime, this fundamental problem was hit once, with more serious left-hand behaviour than it had been in the past. At that time, the Interim Central Government and its staff pointed out that there was a serious “left” blunder in class relations. In the Chada movement, for example, “aggression of Chinese farmers, eradication of rich farmers, home-to-house searches, non-implementation of popular routes, right-hand and left-hand twirling at night, are still serious in various places”. The central government, in its review of the cantonal governments of Regina and Chang, found that “many places have made a serious `left' error in violation of Soviet land laws. It's in the name of "battle the rich" and "hit the farmers" and it's an unacceptable mistake in the land revolution. • Anti-Chinese farmers' moods and premature attempts to eliminate rich farmers,8 and “the use of rich farmers as a common phenomenon” by all levels of government. Particularly in the latter part of the region, as the situation deteriorated, there were places where “left” behaviour in dealing with class relations was appalling. People hear that every landowner, rich farmer's family members, no matter how hard they work, are called “class dissidents” of the Party and the Soviet Union, washed out of the army and the Soviet institutions and put into labour or hard labour; the route of the elimination of rich farmers, the integration of rich landowners into permanent labour squads, the expulsion of families of rich landowners, the total confiscation of land property of rich farmers, and even the demand that the rich farmers in the whole Soviet region be captured and killed. Ten stories describe this phenomenon as extreme leftist “crazy” and dizziness. The central government is the main source of criticism and opposition, through central resolutions, instructions and instructions, and by leading individual articles. According to the central Government, this is a “soviet platform and policy of Soviet government officials who are unaware of the current period of democratic rule in the industrial and agricultural sectors” and that joint agriculture is a guarantee of the triumph of the land revolution, that close alliances should be established with Chinese farmers and that a policy of premature elimination of rich farmers should not be adopted, that the rich farmers should be beaten and that “the fight against rich farmers should be strictly corrected” (11). The CCPC also stressed that “any `left' opportunist error that infringes the interests of Chinese farmers must result in the destruction of alliances with Chinese farmers, i.e. the destruction of industrial and agricultural unions, which must be corrected without delay” (12). However, the CCP resolution did not identify and call for the correction of the “left” blundering of rich farmers. Thirdly, there is a response to the “left” overfire in government centres, especially in specialized, aggressive campaigns. According to Mao, as stated in his closing remarks at the “One-Sud Assembly”, the three main tasks of the central Government's work are to organize the revolutionary war, consolidate the expansion of the revolution and create a large and strong Red Army. In the context of the three main tasks and the environmental features of wartime administration, the Government ' s work has largely evolved in the form of specialized and aggressive campaigns, such as the expansion of Red Army raids, food raids, electoral campaigns, the promotion of public debt and the development of cooperatives. “It is absolutely necessary to take a surprise approach to the work in order to perform certain urgent tasks or to overcome the particular underdevelopment of a ministry”. (13) In practice, however, excessive excesses have occurred. In one case, pressure was imposed on the population to perform its tasks, leading to disarray, death and flight. As a result of the forced sale of public debt in Yuduro District, which led to the suicide of a Chinese farmer and the President of the District of Su, and the flight of more than 400 people from the Little Creek District, the central Government has sent a letter to all levels of government, calling for a “centralization of fire against” such excesses, emphasizing that all work, whether in the context of the expansion of the Red Army, the Chada movement, the electoral campaign, the promotion of public debt and the development of cooperatives, “cannot employ any form of coercion” (14). Similarly, in the context of the electoral campaign, which deprived some wealthy Chinese farmers of their right to vote and confiscated their good fields, Regina “several districts have experienced such a serious phenomenon”, while “extremely serious mistakes” were made, in violation of central instructions, in order to “strengthen” such mistakes by the central Government. (15) These aspects, which cannot be said to be “left” errors, are typical of excessive excesses, with the same hazards. In another case, punishmentism was applied, with severe penalties imposed on organizations and commandos who were unable to carry out their heavy tasks on time. For example, in the month of raids launched in early 1934 for the Red Million, the province of Fujian, which the centre considered unable to fulfil its mandate, was a waver and negative of opportunism, while the Secretary-General of Fujian Province, Chen Guangqiu, was removed from his post and severe penalties were imposed on the commander of the three county commandos, including the central sub-unit of Nining. (16)

Fourthly, there should be a more extreme intellectual and bureaucratic response to government workers. One of the obvious pursuits of the existence and activities of the Soviet regime is the expansion of political participation, the “attracting of new forces into the management of the State” (17) and the mobilization and inclusion of the population “most actively in all aspects of the administration and management of the State” (18). In this process, the cadres elected to leadership positions at all levels have been effective in developing and developing their capacity to govern the country and to present the new face of social governance in the new regime, which is the mainstream. There are also tributaries, where extreme ideological and behavioural problems exist among some cadres, mainly in the form of ideas of “left” better than right and bureaucratic work. “The left is always better than the right”, a rather general idea at the time, leading to “the fact that every mistake made, whether principled or non-principled, large or small, first-time or repeated, is called opportunism or double-faced opportunism, all of which come to them to `fight', either to cancel their work or to dismiss their party membership, to hold them in public,” “and often to show that gays who fight right-opportunism are always tougher than gays who are left-handed, and even those who make left-handed errors can be completely free from criticism and discipline” (19). The extreme ideas and behaviour of the “left” over the right are manifested in almost every aspect, which contributes significantly to the spread of the “left” error and exacerbates the disorder in the behaviour of cadres and the difficulties of State governance. Linked to this, bureaucratic problems in the work of cadres are common. High-profile bureaucracy, with the production of de facto coercive orders, and simple and brutal forced assessments, have caused strong discontent among the Sioux population, seriously undermining the image of the party and the Government and greatly affecting the prestige of the State and its relations with the population. This raises the question of how central to a high level of governance in the country can think about and address the way government workers work. In general, the response of the interim central Government to the actions of the left mainly points to the practical aspects of the governance of the State, which are quite extensive and concentrated in the areas of government and social management, with very few political lines of domination; the Government of the Sioux District and the leaders of the Sioux District have criticized and corrected the actions of the left in two directions, namely, that the Government is conducted mainly in the form of decrees, communications and legal texts, that the leaders are conducted mainly in the form of articles, reports and instructions, and that the two sides advance together. There has been more criticism and correction of “left” overtones of government, motivated by the practical need to establish and advance the governance of the State, with the aim of upholding and maintaining the corresponding laws and order, the legitimacy of the revolution and its fundamental interests. iii. Mao Zedong. Zhang Zhang is the flag of action against the left.

As mentioned earlier, the Sioux district has dealt with left-hand behaviour, mainly in the form of government decrees, resolutions, communications and personal articles, statements, etc. In either form, Mao Zedong and Zhang Zhang Xianxian are the main representatives. Both of them are the main leaders of the Soviet Republic, whose thinking and conduct, although with a different focus, are, on the whole, at the centre of the actual and necessary governance of the State, one-way and one-on-one, and are another prominent feature of the response to left behaviour during the Soviet period. Joint leadership of national governance is the basic basis for Mao Zedong and Zhang Tianxian Watch. The Chairman of the Central Executive Council and People ' s Committee, Mao Zedong, and the Chairman of the People ' s Committee, who was in charge of the work of the Government within the Standing Committee of the Central Communist Party and took office in early 1934, are direct leaders of the governance of the country. Mao has been a strong opponent of the “left” line. After he left the position of commander of the Red Army and returned to government work (Mao told Snowe that from October 1932 until the beginning of the long march, “I myself spent almost all my time dealing with the work of the Soviet Government” (20)), he maintained his anti-left position, although his main focus then shifted to the political aspects of government governance, forward security, working methods (government personnel and mass relations), and thus to discover and respond to left behaviour, mainly from the point of view of government and government work. Zhang Zhang Zhang Zhang Zianxian has not only important voice in the affairs of the Party, but also successively manages the work of the Government, which is chaired directly by the Chairman of the People's Committee. Their personal experiences, their political status and even their mindsets differ greatly, but they share the same perception and attitude to the “left” effects and harms of the latter part of the district. In the same claim and context of the governance of the State, both parties expressed their opposition to any interference with the normal working order of the Government by means of left-hand conduct, which led to a consistent interpretation of the correct opinion and the introduction of corrective measures. They have both a vision and a foothold for good governance of national affairs. Commonly faced with practical matters of government management, it has become a firm starting point for fur, awareness and response. The Government has a specific issue, one of a practical nature, that is not something to be expected from rhetoric. Mao Zedong Soo respects objective reality and has a deep and well-recognized sense of the harm caused by the “left” error and advocates “national security” based on research and practice. In a marginalized political environment, he remains committed to a pragmatic approach to governance and seeks to overcome the disruption of government work and the political order caused by left-wing behaviour. Zhang Zhang, on the other hand, under conditions of change in power patterns and in keeping with the general theory of State governance and the objective reality of the Soo district, has made the right shift away from the “left” slide. Zhang entered the Central Suu district early in 1933. From the very beginning of his departure, he published articles and participated in leading the struggle against the "Romine route". Soon, however, he became exposed to the practice of government management, especially when he was directly in charge of the Government, and learned of the vast amount of reality, the growing awareness of the dangers of the “left” blunder, and the great changes in thinking, with a strong “left” leaning leader and implementer, moving towards a more visible focus on the central leadership of the theory linking the real to the “left” policy and behaviour. (21) Mao Zedong and Zhang Zhang Zhang have come together in response to left-hand behaviour, expressing the same positions, perceptions and determinations and becoming strong allies. Respect for the real world, the public at large, and realism in politics are the main reasons and the political basis. Based on the same positions and perceptions, Mao Zhang ' s approach to dealing with left-hand behaviour is essentially the same. This is reflected mainly in three areas. The first is to preside over the Council of State and to criticize and correct the “left” error through legislation, resolutions and instructions. Of the 108 incomplete statistics published in Red China alone, many are aimed at establishing a normal social order, correcting misconduct and establishing institutional norms. Most typically, the Labour Code has been amended directly by the central Government in order to correct excesses, such as trade union strikes; in response to the over-fires of the Chada movement, which have harmed middle- and rich farmers, Mao Zedong himself prepared the " How to Analyze the Class " and the " Decision of the Central Government of the Central Government of the Republic of China, issued on 10 October 1933, on a number of issues in the land struggle " ; and in the enactment of judicial regulations, there have also been criticisms and improvements with regard to the level of approval of the death penalty and the excessive killing of landowners. Second, to develop sound and well-structured governance mechanisms and government practices by alerting and regulating the work of all levels of government. They attach great importance to rural governance in the governance of the country, with a typical survey of rural governance, such as Nagagang and Talang, and with guidance documents on how the village and district governments work, respectively, to regulate, guide and recognize the behaviour of the village authorities and to establish an active and healthy village governance order. They have focused on the political style of government workers, co-led a six-month-long campaign against bureaucracy and forced orders in the government system and focused on correcting “left” excesses in practice. For example, with regard to the promotion of forced assessments of public debt and the resulting suicides and escapes, letters are addressed to all levels of government in the name of the central Government, stating that this is “a shameful event that should never have occurred” and requiring the provincial and district governments “to warn all Soviet workers of an immediate and violent self-criticism and to concentrate their fire against forced ordering in all their work, whether in the expansion of the Red Army, the Chada movement, the electoral campaign, the promotion of public debt and the development of cooperatives” (22). At the Second General Assembly, Mao also issued a warning to the Soviet regime at all levels and to all the staff, inter alia, to “care for the lives of the masses and to pay attention to working methods” and to concern themselves with all practical issues, such as the population's rice-oil salt. Zhang Zhang, after taking office in the Government, also stated that the crowds had fled in groups and even entire villages, “mainly because of the mistakes of our Soviet Government leadership”, stressing the opposition in government affairs to the practice of assessed and forced orders and even forced confinement and hard labour (23), suggesting that “Soviet cadres should learn how to manage the Soviet regime and how to manage their own country” (24). It is clear that they observe and analyse issues from the point of view of local government and the governance of the State, with a focus on strengthening the normative aspects of the work of the regime in practice, as well as on its knowledge of governance, governance order and the conduct of government personnel. Thirdly, the writing directly criticized the conduct of the left. Mao Zedong has written on several occasions that “to oppose `left' empty talk and triumphant fatalists” (25), it is necessary to quickly correct the “left” blunders that violate the interests of Chinese farmers, to “strength against any attempt to violate the interests of Chinese farmers” (26), and to state `left' as seriously as right in the letter sent to Pendwyn. (27) Zhang has published several articles critical of left-hand behaviour, some of which are called “left” and present important assertions that are still of intellectual value. The difference between them is mainly the specific focus and the intensity of their response. During the period of the country's administration, Mao's main focus was on government and governance, and the tone of speech was more modest, before and after that, mainly in the military sphere. This is a big difference from Zhang. The response to left-wing behaviour at this time, in addition to the same way of understanding and response in the work of the Government as Mao Zedong, is more direct and sharper in its discourse, given its political position and characteristics, and its focus on theoretical thinking and criticism. According to the Zhang Sage, during the nearly two years between February 1933 and October 1934, there were 22 articles published in Zhang Sensen about criticism of left-hand behaviour and politics. These articles are marked by a focus on theoretical and factual arguments that illustrate the fundamental theory and general policy approach of the Communist Party in leading the democratic revolution, and that speak out against “left” practices that undermine the order of governance. For example, in his analysis of the structure and characteristics of the Soviet economy, he pointed out that the use of private capital for the development of the Soviet economy was “one of the main current options”. I don't know. (28) Thus, the Soviet regime wants to allow the development of capitalism, and the "uncompromising" approach of "prohibiting, ordering, confinement, shooting and confiscation of property" in the Sioux region's business and industry is not only stupid but politically wrong for all the businessmen in the Sioux district” (29); and “must fight against the `left' tendency to enforce labour laws in a purely mechanical manner, regardless of the circumstances”, and is now trying to “deplete the capital”, the extreme of "left", the result of which is bound to make the Soviet economy zero and to worsen workers' lives by unemployment. (30) In the context of regime-building, he has been acutely critical of the existence of ignorance and misperception in the work of the Government with regard to the development of democracy, “this fundamental problem”, and has seen only one side of the “power” of the Soviet regime, without seeing the other side of “democracy”, so often that it is unacceptable to force the masses. He pointed out that the "centre of the Soviet democracy" was the task of bringing together the largest number of workers and farmers in the regime and educating them to run their own country. To that end, it is important to combat bureaucracy and corruption in the governance of the State, to “utilise persuasion and education” to inform the population about how to manage its own country, to quickly demonstrate its genius and ability to manage, to learn to use such powers as the right to recall (i.e. the right to recall) and the right to change) and to improve Soviet relations with the population. (31) He strongly criticized the use of “left” rhetoric to reject the use of old intellectuals, noting that the use of old intellectuals was “absolutely necessary”, that the “eating of intellectuals” “must immediately be corrected” and the expulsion of poorly constituted intellectuals from “this “left” tendency to use and treat intellectuals as much as possible “to enable them to work for the Soviet Government” (32). He criticized the closed-doorists who “don't know how to use the contradictions and uncertainties within the enemy to achieve our own interests”, who were “self-proclaimed, disavowed” of all possible “left” childish people, and expressed “a firm rejection of left-door-doorping”. (33) In particular, two articles written in late June 1934, with a sharp attitude and sharp rhetoric, brought his anti-left ideology and behaviour to a new level. He lists the manifestations of the “left” rhetoric and actions prevailing in the Sioux region, analysing their multiple “dangers” to the party and the Soviet regime, rejecting them as the “extreme left” line “the madness and confusion of the small bourgeois extreme leftism”, “the opposition and the whole interest of the Soviet!” “in fact a fake revolution is a helping hand to the enemy of the class”, which is not the same as the basic policy of the Soviet regime; (34) he goes on to point out that the Sioux region has “better left than right” views, “revolutionary one-time” and “revolutionaries of the left”, clearly stating that the facts are “most acutely necessary for a determined struggle against this “extreme left” and that “revolutionaries of the left” must be fought with extreme left” (35). He may be the first person within the Communist Party to directly criticize the idea of “better left than right”, to define “extreme leftism” and “left-hand revolutionary”. Public statements, with their clear views, point to firmness and sharpness, are a good example of both the determination and the efforts of the centre of the Soviet regime to respond to left words and deeds in the context of the governance of the country, as well as a clear reflection of the evolution of his personal thinking. According to researchers, the article " Opposite leftism against the small bourgeois class " , which represents a conscious, more comprehensive and profound opposition to extreme left policies, marks the beginning of a “left” trap that has been largely removed from the sky and is moving on the right path. (36)

Key figures who have opposed left-wing behaviour in terms of governance and social order of the State, as well as Chen Yun and Liu Shaoqi. They are the main leaders of the National General Trade Union and important members of the political centre of the Communist Party. Chen Yuen has published several articles and harshly criticized trade unions for their “extremely dangerous trade unionist tendencies” in leading the workers' economic struggle, but only for the narrow economic interests of the industry, which impedes the development of the Sioux economy and consolidates the fundamental interests of the working class of the Soviet regime, a “left-left” error that “disrupts the economic development of the Sioux region, undermines the economic union of the industrial and agricultural industries, undermines the Soviet regime and undermines the workers' own complete liberation” (37). Liu Shaoqi also wrote that “it is necessary to correct certain excessive demands, narrow customs and prejudices among workers” (38). In their reports to the Red Workers International, they also admitted that between the winter of 1932 and 1933, trade unions “repeated with a serious `left' error in leading the economic struggle of workers”. (39) The fact that they first linked the strike by the workers of the Sioux district to labour unionism (40) (quote) within the CCP was the strongest criticism of left-wing behaviour and its consequences. Mao Zedong, Zhang Zhang Zhang Zianxian, among others, perceived and criticized the “left” misperception, representing the most sobering level of intellectual theory in the Sioux region and within the Communist Party of China at the time, in an environment in which they tried to defend the interests of the revolution, adding a rich historical content and a deep intellectual dimension to advancing the Chinese revolution. IV. SUZO RESPONSE AND DISAPPEARANCES FOR LEFT ACTS

The response of the Soviet regime to left-hand behaviour was also carried out in special circumstances and conditions. Thus, in terms of results, it has achieved both invaluable and positive results, and it is difficult to complete its work in the face of inescapable dilemmas. This is another important feature of the region's response to left-hand behaviour. Criticism and the corresponding correction of left-hand behaviour affecting governance have to some extent served to deepen political perceptions and behavioural logic of governance in the country, reflecting the hard work and internal pursuit of the goal of establishing and maintaining order and striving for governance. As soon as the Interim Central Government was established, it was determined that the establishment of a national governance order was a matter of urgency: “At this time, one of the urgent tasks in the Sioux region was to establish a revolutionary order in which the life of the revolutionary masses and all the rights to which they were legally entitled were fully guaranteed”. (41) Review of historical facts, and all the responses of the Soviet regime to acts on the left largely follow this line. Whether it be the enactment or amendment of laws, or the criticism and correction of errors in the strike, the search for the land, the enlargement of the Red Movement, and the rejection of bureaucracy and forced orders, all clearly reflect the logic of conduct in the pursuit and maintenance of order in the vision of the people who govern the country. Together with other systems and practices, this constitutes an important element and expression of the CCP's practice of learning the art of “governance and security of the nation”. A few years later, Mao Zedong made a classic recognition of this. (42)

In a political climate where the “left” leans, the need to explain the harmfulness of left behaviour and correct errors from the point of view of national governance, and to try to correct the various “left” errors, making an important contribution to ensuring the pooling and channelling of material and human resources under difficult conditions, to improving the political climate and to the dissemination of the right words, is another important achievement. Dealing with the “left” error in the broader context of the full “left” slide is not an easy task and is therefore all the more valuable. This is a valuable example of what has been achieved in terms of errors, such as the “correcting of previous mistakes” in the Chang Dynasty, with the help of the Central Government Mission, which led to the “300 people returning to the mountain and the work done to become a model area” as a result of the aggression against Chinese and rich farmers. (43) Similarly, in Regina County, “prompt correction” of forced orders in the red, quickly created an unprecedented “one-month plan of nine days to complete”. (44) In particular, the narration and dissemination of the true and sharp rhetoric that has criticized the conduct of the left has shown political clarity and clarity and has somewhat diluted the high-handed atmosphere of “left” rule. Those words are powerful and sharp, and it still seems to be true. The introduction of institutional regulations and ideological awareness in the area of State governance that specifically correct “left” errors provides lessons learned and a wake-up call to subsequent historical developments, which is another important outcome of the Soviet regime's response to left-wing behaviour. Following the establishment of the Interim Central Government, a large number of laws and regulations were issued. These protocols, which focus on the construction of a new political, economic, cultural and social order, reflect the objectives and requirements of governance. Among these, three guiding documents, the revised Labour Code, how to analyse class and the Decision on Certain Issues in the Land Struggle, were directly “to correct the `left' error” (45) in 1933, which were of an institutionalized legal significance in dealing with left-hand behaviour and maintaining the normal order of governance, the latter two being used by the CPC as important reference documents for national land reform more than 10 years later. As for the greatest result of intellectual awareness, there is no greater exposure to and criticism of “lefts are always better than rights” and “lefts revolutionaries”. This revelation of the most widespread ideological and behavioural tendencies within the party has had ideological and classical significance in the history of the Communist Party. It is better to expose and criticize the “left” than the right, and in a 1937 review of the history of the Sioux region, the subsequent history of the party and the country has been constantly raised and warned to be an important source of historical inspiration and intellectual wealth. State governance in the region has also been facing serious difficulties. These dilemmas are determined by the four relationships or contradictions that exist in the operation of the district. To a large extent, they have exacerbated the difficulties of the Soviet regime in dealing with left-hand behaviour and have also become the underlying cause of the constant and persistent struggle to break it down, thereby affecting the achievement of greater results. One is the contradiction between the political path and the order of governance. In the context of the governance of the country, the region's greatest difficulty in dealing with left-hand behaviour is the “left” adventurism of the CCP Central Government's policy of guiding ideas and routes. The route of the party and the governance of the State is a fundamental relationship between the functioning of the Soviet regime. In the relationship between the two parties, the party ' s path is one of political domination, dominance and decisiveness in the governance of the State. There are two dimensions to the governance of the State, namely, the implementation of the party ' s routing policy and the technical aspects of practical governance. Convergence of the political path with the governance of the State will lead to the healthy conduct of the governance of the State, which will be confused and ineffective if separated or even opposed. The political course of the ruling, dominant and decisive party in the Sou district at that time was the “left” offensive route and adventurism of the central party, which, together with the governance of the country, which calls for a normal and stable order, constitutes a deep-rooted contradiction and conflict and, indeed, a general source of behaviour on the left. Therefore, it is difficult and impossible for the region to address the former dimension, namely, to oppose “left” adventurism at the physical level and to address its overall root causes, but primarily to criticize and try to correct “left” mistakes at the practical working level, and often to disrupt or disrupt normal government and social order because of its political slogans, “left” dumping policies or excesses. This inherent contradiction is the root cause of the limited effect of the Sioux District regime ' s response to left behaviour, but it also reflects the value of the Sioux District regime ' s response to left behaviour. The second is the contradiction between State constraints and revolutionary freedom. Regime-building on the ground is a political construction around revolutionary changes in faith and institutions. Once established, the State must use its own systems and methods to influence and manage the population, create and maintain new forms of social functioning and social stability in order to promote a more orderly and more morphological society. It is clear that the governance of the State requires law, order and stability, and that the revolution is characterized by passion, liberation and loss, so that the State is no less or somewhat a constraint or a constraint for those who have just emerged from the liberation of the revolution. The liberation of the revolution is in contradiction with the inexhaustible passions and the various forms of constraints of State governance. This contradiction is most evident in workers ' strikes. Emancipated workers claim their rights without restriction, while at the same time undermining the overall interests and social stability of the Soviet State in their struggle against employers, capitalists and excessive claims of interest, becoming a crisis of governance for the new State, and thus being harshly criticized as “unionism”, ultimately regulating the behaviour of workers by amending labour laws by the central Government. However, even if the Government were to do so, it would be difficult to put an end to the excesses of workers. Liu Shaoqi concluded that once the workers were liberated, they acted with impunity and without any expectation of future or future. Although Chen Yun and many others have gone to Chang Tin for a long period of time and his left-hand behaviour has largely been corrected, “at the end of the day it has not been corrected”. (46) It can be seen that the resolution of this contradiction and the response to the demands and behaviours that are emerging and in conflict with order and stability require long-term education and normative training, which must not take place overnight. Thirdly, there is a contradiction between the continuation of war, the great need and the limited resources and the urgency of mobilization. The governance of the Sioux district was carried out in an external environment under the tight siege of the National Party, and its greatest challenge was the crisis of the war and the economic challenge. This challenge creates strong internal and external pressures on each other ' s governance. Externally, the greater the pressure, the greater the internal rebound, such as in the fifth anti-war, and the strong pressure of the National Party's military offensive and economic and traffic blockades, the reaction within the Sioux region has been marked by a marked vicissitudes, such as a strong emphasis on the relationship between class struggles and security in the Sioux region, and a change in policies towards landowners and wealthy farmers, leading to extremes such as their integration into the labour force and the expulsion of their families from the Sioux region. Internally, the basis of governance in the Soviet State is the integration of the rural society, the agricultural economy and the new State and the new system of governance. The unprecedented increase in the organization of society in the Sioux region provides a more accessible and effective way to mobilize and gather social resources than traditional models. In the face of growing demands for human and material resources, the forces between the two have increased with the continuation of the war and, under the increasing organizational pressure of the hierarchy, the pressure on grass-roots organizations at the lower end of the hierarchy has come from a variety of areas, concentrating on a strong social burden. In order to carry out the tasks given by the superiors, assessments, forced orders, etc., have become a common method, and are prone to fire, “depending on the regime to achieve their ends”. Thus, even if the central government were to launch a movement to change the way in which the bureaucracy and orderism are addressed, more than half a year later, “the main ones are limited to provincial and individual district councils, general county councils and sub-district councils, and organizations that have done very little to change the way in which they lead” (47). In many places, there are still “serious errors in prevarication or forced orders” (48) in Soviet organs. While enhancing the efficiency of resource mobilization, the Soviet regime in the latter part of the region also contributed to the emergence and spread of the “left” error. The fourth is the contradiction between “left” thinking and personal risk avoidance. The “left” is better than the right than the prevailing ideological trend in the Sioux district at the time. The emergence of this tendency is closely linked to the wrong organizational path, whereby “gays who make mistakes on the left can be completely free of criticism and discipline” and lead to “no one dares to correct them, even the responsible organs do not allow themselves to interfere. For fear that such interference would be the subject of a right-wing opportunism title that would compromise with the capitalists of the landowners. With regard to counter-terrorism, that is even more true of the fact that no one dares to speak, since it is feared that when critical of this tendency, he will be treated as one of the counter-revolutionaries whose lives will be lost” (49). In this sense of fear of shock and risk-averse, Liu Shuji has had a classic description: some comrades have deliberately sought a “left” point for fear of being right. This is not just the case of “gays” but also of “gays above” and he himself. The words against “left” are deliberately silent, afraid to say that there is no objection to the “left”, no strike, etc. (50) There have even been similar concerns (51). The “left” rule and its ideological orientation have greatly worsened the political environment in the region, which, in turn, contributes to the development of “extreme leftism”, which is an important reason why the “left” error cannot be corrected. Concluding remarks

Since the establishment of the Republic of China, the Sioux region has moved into a process of partial government by the Communist Party. Almost all of the ideas, measures and practices that are intrinsic to the logic of establishing and maintaining a new order for the new State are deeply etched in the seal of governance. In this context, the Sioux district ' s understanding and response to left-hand behaviour also has the basis and starting point of State governance. Thus, with the establishment of the Interim Central Government as the point of demarcation, there is a significant difference in the Central Sudan region ' s response to left-hand behaviour, with a shift in focus and field. The main focus has been on how to create and develop the ground, how to define military strategies (the military debate extends to 1932 and beyond), followed by the interim central Government in an environment of partial government of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC), which is clearly reflected in the way in which issues are judged and dealt with, primarily from the perspective of governance, in terms of the nature, characteristics, environment and tasks of local government. State governance is a new challenge in the region. The Sioux region ' s practice is preliminary in its approach to dealing with the harm done to the governance of the State by left-hand conduct, but it also shows a wealth of content, with clear theoretical, practical and methodological implications. In general, the strategy of articulating and building on the Marxist fundamentals and the democratic revolution of the Communist Party is a weapon of thought and a great deal of effort for the region to deal with left-wing behaviour; to highlight the functions of the Government, raise the weight of the rule of law, regulate the way in which it is governed, regulates power as (operational), focuses on the guidance of ideas and public opinion, improves relations between power and the people, and preserves the stability of society and the human mind. The practice of dealing with left-wing behaviour in the region has opened the way for the political and social issues dealt with by the Chinese Communist Party in power, highlighting the unique exploration and value of addressing left-wing behaviour in the context of national governance. Its apparent and hidden significance in shaping the future deserves careful study. The main representative of left-hand behaviour from a national governance perspective is Mao Zedong and Zhang Zhang. Mao Zedong and Zhang Zhang Xianxian faced common problems in their political responsibilities, generating a common understanding and adopting common measures were among the most commendable. In the case of Mao Zhang, in dealing with the issue of left-hand behaviour, the governance of the State is both a strong context and a driving force, as well as a unique place and stage, so that the detection and correction of left-hand behaviour that has impacted on the work of the Government and the social order is a constant activity in the governance of the Mao Zhang. The response to left-hand behaviour is closely linked to, and mutually reinforcing with, the art of State governance. Their multidisciplinary approach in the form of laws, directives, articles and so forth, and their persistence in responding to the targeted, normative, logical and uninterrupted nature of the measures taken, demonstrate both a firm determination to maintain the political and social order, as well as the political wisdom and the art of governance, while the theoretical interpretation of their ideas, which fosters the correctness, radicalization and, above all, a freshness in the “left” mist. The two men who were on a different political trajectories came together and became strong allies and leaders in dealing with the actions of the left, based on respect for the real, the popular and the real. It has also become the ideological and political basis for their subsequent concerted efforts at the Compliance Conference to set the course. (52)

It is clear that, between 1932 and 1934, the Central Soviet District was not a “left” adventurism, but that there had been strong criticism and struggle against left behaviour under the interim central Government. Such criticism and struggle, in the context and axis of State governance, is a clear act of government. It also raises the question of how to understand how the interim central Government can respond to left behaviour on such a large scale and with such intensity that it is not “left” in an environment where the “left” line is fully implemented. The reason for the apparent obstruction of centralization may be to establish and enforce State governance, which is essentially the pursuit of the central Chinese Communist Party (CPC) and is not different from the fundamental objective. The second is to deal primarily with left-wing ideas and behaviours that occur in the functioning of society, rather than with a central approach and policy, and more at the technical and lower-middle levels, even at the ideological level, which are directed at those who identify themselves as implementers of ideological orientation or those who have a preference, without explicitly addressing the “left” centralization of ideas, and thus being tolerated despite the harshly critical language. Thirdly, it may also be related to the relevant directives of Mao Zedong, Zhang Zhang Zianxi's status and even Communist International. This goes beyond the field and dimension of the road struggle. From the history of the Soviet region's response to left-hand behaviour, we can also discern the richness or profound complexity of historical movements. Notes:

1 chronology: Opposite leftism against the small bourgeois (24 June 1934), Struggle No. 67 (10 July 1934). The concept of “extra-left conduct”, as used in this paper, is intended for the sake of simplicity and objectivity, i.e. “left” misdirection, but also includes excessive excesses that are not normally counted as “left”. State governance is both a traditional and a modern term, which is described in a rich and diverse way by the academic community. In this context, it is generally accepted that “national governance is the process by which the State, in order to maintain power, maintain order and achieve development, plays its role, operates and carries out its mission at the national level through institutional mechanisms, laws and regulations, core values and, as a result, the interaction between the various subjects and States, in accordance with their specific economic relations, national systems and basic conditions. See Liu Fang Liang: The Concept of State Governance at the threshold of Marxist State Theory, Nanjing University Journal (Social Science Edition), No. 1, 2017. This paper draws on this concept, primarily in the traditional sense, to interpret the governance of the State as the rule of the Soviet Republic in the time and space of local rule in the Sioux district, the rule of the State, often referred to as the so-called Soviet Revolutionary Party of Mao Zedong, which has learned the art of government and security of the nation, and has created a large number of powerful cadres who will govern the National Assembly. 4 namely, Regina, Tingzhou (now Changting), Jianning, Bosheng (now Ningdu), Anzhi, Shibuya, Yudu, Victory (set up in 1931 and made up of Heung, Yudu and Ningdu), Chang and Nan (comprising various parts of Nanfeng and Pung). Red China continued to report strikes and their lessons. 5 Report of the All-China General Trade Union to the International Federation of Red-Skinned Workers - Overview of the Work of the Regional Trade Unions in the Soviet Region of China (1 March 1934), eds., Chinese Trade Unions History Book (1930.4-1937.6), Workers Press 1958, pp. 627-628. 6 For more information, see Ho Soying: Study on Labour Policy Adjustments in the District of Sud, 1993, CCP History Study, No. 11, 2014. 7 People ' s Committee Review of the Work of the Ministry of Sports and Lands, Red China, No. 111 (21 September 1933). G8: " Against aggression against Chinese farmers " , Red China, No. 14 (16 March 1932). 9 Central Government Directive on the Work of the Council (2 August 1932), Red China, No. 30 (4 August 1932). 10 stories: Opposite leftism against the small bourgeois (24 June 1934), Struggle No. 67 (10 July 1934). (11) Central Government Directive on the Work of the Council (2 August 1932), No. 30 of Red China (4 August 1932). (12) Selected highlights since the establishment of the Party (1921-1949), vol. 10, Central Documentation Press 2011, p. 510. (13) Liu Ying, “Transforming our leadership in the campaign”, Youth Truth, vol. 3, No. 15 (18 March 1934). (14) Remedial order to market public debt - Letter from the Central Government to all levels of government (23 September 1933), Red China No. 113 (27 September 1933). (15) Resolution of the Central Executive Committee of 29 March 1932, No. 46 of Red China (6 April 1932). (16) Decision of the Central Government on the Summary of the Month of Assault (5 January 1934), Struggle No. 43 (19 January 1934). (17) Decision of the Central Organization of the Communist Republic of China on preparations for the Second General Assembly (1 August 1933), Red China 108 (6 September 1933). (18) Selected highlights since the establishment of the Party (1921-1949), vol. 11, Central Document Press, 2011, p. 43. (19) Zhang Chien: Optimal leftism against the small bourgeois (24 June 1934), Struggle No. 67 (10 July 1934). (20) [United States of America] Edgar Snow, Hu's translation: " Red Star Shows China " , Life Reader, Sunny Trinity Bookshop, 1979, p. 155. (21) Zhang has repeatedly stressed the need to oppose empty talk, to reach out, to reach out to the masses and to criticize “left” opportunists, often with the revolution's “left” words, away from the current reality and away from the crowd (Astronomy of Zhang, vol. 1, Chinese Communist Party Publishing House, 1994, p. 376), calling for a change in the leadership style, “a better understanding of the situation below by the governing bodies”, “a patient listen to the gays below” [Loft: on the new way of leadership (ii)” 12 March 1933, No. 5 of The Struggle (15 March 1933), “Mutual in-depth” in practice and in the mass [Sniffing: Lessons from the Sundu Incident, The Struggle 53 (31 March 1934)]. (22) Remedial Commandism for the Marketing of Public Debt - Letter from the Central Government to all levels of Government (23 September 1933), Red China No. 113 (27 September 1933). (23) Letter of Instruction from the People's Committee to the Chairman of the Wantai County of Suu on behalf of the Vantai Mass Escape (3 April 1934), No. 173 Red China (10 April 1934). (24) Zhang Astronomical Collection, vol. 1, p. 483. (25) Mao Zedong: The New Situation and Mandate, Red China 97 (29 July 1933). (26) Mao Zedong: Preliminary Summary of the Chada Movement, Struggle No. 24 (29 August 1933). (27) The Mao Zedong Jubilee (1893-1949), op. cit., Central Documentation Press 1993, p. 417. (28) Love: The Future of the Economic Development of the Soviet Union (22 April 1933), Struggle No. 11 (10 May 1933). (29) Love: Class struggle under Soviet regime (25 May 1933), Struggle No. 14 (5 June 1933). (30) Love: review of the implementation of the Labour Code in five sections (19 April 1933), Struggle No. 10 (1 May 1933). (31) Love: Re-election Campaign of the Second Soviet Congress and Demus Krasi of the Soviet Union (1 August 1933), Struggle No. 21 (12 August 1933). (32) Zhang Astronomical Collection, vol. 1, p. 409. (33) Love: Declaration on the Soviet Government and the fight against opportunism (21 November 1933), Struggle No. 36 (26 November 1933). (34) Zhang Zhang Zhang: Is it a resolute crackdown on the counter-revolution or on the chaos ahead of the counter-revolution? 25 June 1934), Red China 208 (28 June 1934). (35) Zhang Zhang, Opposite Leftism Against Small bourgeois (24 June 1934), Struggle No. 67 (10 July 1934). (36) Cheng Nakahara: Zhang Acronym, Contemporary China Press, 1993, p. 178. (37) Chen Yun, “The economic struggle of workers in the Soo district”, No. 9 (25 April 1933). (38) Re-contracting in the Struggle of Two Front Lines (30 June 1933), Liu Quixist Workers ' Movement, Central Documentation Press, 1988, p. 155. (39) Report of the All China General Trade Union to the International Federation of Red-Skinned Workers - Overview of the Work of Trade Unions in the Area of the Soviet Region of China (1 March 1934), Chinese Trade Union History Papers (1930.4-1937.6), p. 627. (40) Trade unionism is the idea of small bourgeois anarchism in the international workers ' movement, which emerged at the end of the nineteenth century and was prevalent in Europe and Latin America at the beginning of the twentieth century. The main representatives are Sorell, Lagardel, France. Advocating for the supremacy of trade unions and the opposition between trade unions (i.e. unions) and political parties, the union is the only form of organization that unites and directs workers, and denies the need for a revolution and dictatorship of the proletariat. (41) Order of the Central Executive Committee of the Republic of China, No. 6 - Provisional procedures for handling counter-revolutionary cases and for the establishment of the judiciary (adopted by the extraordinary session of the Central Executive Committee on 13 December 1931), No. 3 Red China (28 December 1931). (42) Mao Zedong acknowledged the “great organization” of the Soviet Revolutionary Party, noting that it had opened the way to people's power and had thus learned the art of governing the people of the country . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (43) The History Study Office of the Party of the Chinese Communist Party of Jiangxi Province and others, 8th ed., Central Revolution Database of Historical Information on the Territory, Jiangxi People ' s Press, 2013, 1182-1183. (44) The Path of the Party, the Path of the National Sud Party, Struggle No. 73 (30 September 1934). (45) Selected highlights since the establishment of the party (1921-1949), vol. 24, Central Documentation Press 2011, p. 495. Indeed, there are several judicial documents of this nature. On the other hand, the words and content of the “left” are still left in several documents, without going into any further detail. (46) Selected highlights since the establishment of the Party (1921-1949), vol. 14, Central Documentation Press 2011, p. 51. (47) Love: On the new way of leadership - learning the art of leadership (27 July 1933), Struggle No. 20 (5 August 1933). (48) Mao Zedong, vol. 1, p. 276. (49) Zhang Chien: Optimal leftism against the small bourgeois (24 June 1934), Struggle No. 67 (10 July 1934). (50) Selected highlights since the establishment of the Party (1921-1949), vol. 14, p. 52. (51) Zhang Zhang said, "So my back `left' is often timid, incidental to the back right, or reverse `left, turn to the right." Zhang Astronomical Collection, vol. 3, Chinese Communist Party History Press, 1994, p. 218. However, this statement seems modest. (52) Zhang Zhang had in fact said the same: “Before the Adventist Conference, together with Mao Zedong, Wang Yusheng and others, I opposed the wrong leadership of another group of comrades in the centre, headed by Comrade Bogu, and won.” (Astronomical Collection, vol. 3, p. 123). He referred to the “pre-Conformity Conference”, which apparently included the period of the Central Sudan District and the beginning of the long march. It has also been pointed out in academic research that the Compliance Resolution uses a number of ideas in a series of articles published on the eve of the transformation of Zhang from Zhang Zianyang to the Long March to express them in language. See Cheng Chinese: Theory and Practical Exploration of Zhang Zhang Zhang Zhang Zianxian in the Central Soviet Region, Iiokayama College of Excellence, No. 5 of 2016.