The formation of a new military-military relationship in the 8th Road Army

Executive summary: During the period of the fighting, the eight road forces explored and gradually developed a new type of “civil-military interface”. This relationship is rooted in the practice of the Red Army and matures into a period of combat. The 8th Road Force brought the best traditions of the Red Army to North China and, while adjusting its old class policies, actively practised mass work in the new situation. In an effort to break the old divide between civil-military relations and gain popular support, the eight-road forces have focused both on strict public discipline and on enhancing day-to-day communication with the population, and have used specific time periods to focus on civil-military interaction in an effort to find where the needs of the war fit with the interests of the population. This new form of civil-military relations, which reflects the “scrutinized” working qualities of the Eight Roads Army, has become a key factor in the Chinese Communist Party's persistence and growth after its enemies. Keywords: Civil-Military Relations/ Eighth Road Force/ Mass Discipline/ Daily Life/

Introduction by Song Hong, Associate Professor, Faculty of History, Shandong University (Zenan 250100). Source: Guangdong Social Sciences (Guangzhou), 2025, No. 5, pp. 149-162

I love running water, how hard it is to drink it in my home, how hard it is to pick it up. I've done water work, I've fallen into wells. Villagers were seen digging wells for water, day and night, resulting in more sweat than wells. The inhabitants of the mountains were seen fetching water, deep wells, long wells and ropes, and picking up water tanks themselves, but carrying a donkey with them. The burden of the daughter-in-law in the country: one to grind and the other to pick water. The small monk of the Shaolin temple was hard to fix: one was to fetch firewood and the other was to fetch water. The writer Wang Qing vividly paints these scenes in his memories and goes on to point out that the 8th Street Army was able to win the hearts and minds of the people: “One is singing, one is water”. It is precisely from a physical experience of the difficulty of finding water that Wang Qing understands the value of daily work. His observation suggests to us that the mystery of new forms of civil-military relations between the 8th Road Force may be hidden in daily life like water. The military-military relations built by the 8th Road Force after China's northern enemies are essentially a re-construction of two traditions: both to subvert the ills of the North's history of “trotting, terrorizing” and to change the mobilization patterns of class rivalry in the Sioux region. The formation of this “new” relationship has become the key to the fight and survival of the Chinese Communist Party after its enemies. Previous studies have focused on the importance of the military-military relations of the 8th Army, but there is no empirical discussion of the process of their formation. In view of this, the present paper focuses on the process of the formation of the new military-military relations of the eight-road army and the underlying political and cultural connotations, mainly from the perspective of “the day-to-day history of the revolution”. I. Traditional and new challenges to civil-military relations in North China

Before the 8th Street Army entered North China, the people here had seen or experienced many different armies whose relationship was called old-fashioned civil-military relations, which, on the “old” basis, created “new” and which, in turn, included the succession and transformation of civil-military relations during the Soviet period. Prior to the fighting, North China had been a focus of the warlord struggle, with warlords, factions of the National Party and, in some places, a variety of armed men, bandits, all of which were considered by the population to be “warmen”. “Soldiers, Veterans” summed up tensions in old-fashioned civil-military relations. In a traditional four-member society, where the role of the military was marginalized, after the midday war, the military gradually moved to the centre of society, and began to lose the “Chou 8” hat and become the “Chief”. With the intensification of the militarization of society, “the confluence of rearing and warlord warfare has become a well-known problem of the enormous damage that war has inflicted on modern China”. Most of the military discipline during the warlord period in the North Ocean was poor and commanders allowed soldiers to do whatever they wanted. Together with traditional natural disasters, these “war disasters” constitute an important trigger for people's suffering. Against this background, the population is naturally impressed by the old civil-military relations, and many still remember the military coming to the village after many years, as Hodbow recalled: “When our children cry, the adults scare and say, `Don't cry! Let's cry again!' When children hear the soldiers come, they won't cry. So, I've hated soldiers since I was a kid, hated them, not interested in them.” This represents the voice of a very large number of people. In the early years of the resistance, there was also a Nationalist Army in the North China. Conceptually, the National Party also values civil-military relations. However, it is difficult for most of the National Party (NP) army to enforce mass discipline, so that the NP military uniforms become a symbol of beating and Raf. When the National Communist Party fought against the war, the Red Army was transformed into the 8th Road Army, dressed in a uniform and wearing a blue day hat, the reaction of the public saw was, "You changed your name, changed your hat, want to beat someone?" Of course, the army under the name of the National Party, which includes many factions, cannot say in general terms that its civil-military relations are all bad, but that is the impression left to the population by most of its forces. The context in which the 8th Road Force entered North China not only relates to old civil-military relations, but also to the basis of impressions and trust that the Red Army had previously built among the population. During the period of the Sud district, the Red Army had established a good military image through strict discipline and propaganda, and had established close civil-military relations. This became the basis for the North Chinese people to become aware of the 8th Street Army. In 1937, the 129th Division was warmly welcomed by the people as it had just entered the town of Shanxi Houma, where, in 1936, the Red Army had been present and had been impressed by the fact that “good deeds were done for the people and something was divided among them”. (11) It is also for this reason that the 8th Street Army, when it first entered North China, often introduced itself: “We are the 8th Street Army, the Red Army led by Jud and Mao” (12) so that the population can quickly understand the nature of the 8th Street Army. Of course, such an explanation does not always work. After all, the Red Army’s influence on North China is less than that on North China, together with the information blockade in North China, where many people are unaware of the Red Army. (13) However, the influence of the 8th Road Force has gradually expanded as news of the victory in the war and propaganda have spread. (14) These effects form the basis of the work of the eight-track army. Although there is a certain mass base, the new situation of resistance and the new environment are, after all, challenges. Unlike in the Sioux region, fighting is a national struggle, so the work of the population should be that of the whole population, including the village elites, such as landowners. The civil-military relationship during the Red Army was very classy, and at that time it was “to fight when seen”. (15) But this can no longer be the case after the fighting and the policy towards these people needs to change, because “the national revolution is now at the centre”. (16)

Part of these changes demonstrates party flexibility and hides party principles. Unity of rural elites is a need for resistance, but it is even more worrying that these elites have a negative impact on civil-military relations. As a result, in the face of a new environment, the 8th Road Army has become more and more traditional. Even in the new environment, class cannot be forgotten, because “the Red Army was a class force, and today is so much a future (when called the National Revolutionary Army) that we are a nation, but still a class team”. (17)

It's just a matter of keeping class and changing class policies, and there's a process to implement, for example, when soldiers take what they own and don't return, and say, “I do this, even if I have disciplined, but I follow the class path.” (18) This view is more prevalent in the eight-track army at the beginning of the fighting. (19) These corrections require an exploratory process to gradually create a new set of approaches “that are appropriate for today's unified anti-Japanese front to look after both the lower and the upper levels”. (20)

In addition, the Japanese army is trying to bring the population together and, in addition to using burning to deter the population, is gradually feeling that force alone will not be able to fight the 8th Road Force. As a result, they used “total force battles” to devote special attention to the civilian population and to the separation of civil-military relations, in addition to military attacks. (21) These measures have also made the work of the population a “competence of enemy forces” and an urgent challenge for the population. The new environment of resistance has brought new challenges and opportunities. With the cooperation of the Communist Republic of China, the Communist Republic of China can work directly in the name of the Eight Road Forces. On 1 August 1937, the General Department of Political Affairs of the Red Army reminded us to “estimate the facilitation of our activities in an open environment”, particularly to enhance the work of the population. (22) The U front environment offers no opportunity for the 8th Street Army population to work. With the fall of Taihara in November 1937, the gradual anarchy in North China, the breakdown of civil order, the corruption of the guerillas and the lies of the traitors, all of which made it impossible for the population to see hope for the future and the power to rely on. (23) At this point, the 8th Road Force advanced to North China. People began to view the army entering the village in a traditional way, but they slowly discovered that the army ' s words and actions were very different from those of the past. This is a new era for the 8th Road Force and the people. II. Mass discipline and daily interaction

In order to break the fear and separation of the North Chinese population from the “military”, the Eighth Road Force, in its work, has continued to deepen the core approach that emerged during the period of the Soviet region, which combines strict popular discipline with in-depth daily interaction as a daily practice that shapes new types of civil-military relations. In general, during recent contacts with the population, the Eighth Road Army will place special emphasis on mass discipline and create a basic image. (24) Mass discipline is important because the people first determine their attitude by “discipline to distinguish between the good and the bad of the army”. (25) In the newly opened areas, care should be taken that “even individual violations of the interests of the population will have greater consequences than in the ground”. (26) Building on this, we shall continue to work in daily life to strengthen interaction between the two sides, with public discipline being disciplined by rigid norms, daily interaction being integrated into life with tender care, and mass discipline and daily interaction throughout the period of the fighting. To look at crowd discipline and daily interaction, a central issue needs to be clarified: Who is the subject of the work of the people of the 8th Road Forces? It is because of the daily public discipline and interaction that emphasises the character of “anytime and any place” that the 8th Road Force is often decentralized after the enemy. It is not enough to mobilize the population by a few political workers, but only “political workers” can mobilize the population at large and actually practice interaction in daily life. (27) As a result, all the soldiers of the Eighth Road are the main agents of the population. (28) Of course, this concept does not mean that all forces can do it, but it allows at least every soldier to know that he or she is the subject of the work of the population. It is this idea of “everyone is a political worker” that makes it possible to conduct public discipline and civil-military exchanges in daily life. How, then, can the 8th Road Force strengthen civil-military relations through mass discipline, the main elements of which are the “Three Disciplines” and the “Eight Cares.” (29) Although the specific content has changed a few times, its core is to regulate the behaviour of soldiers from the point of view of daily life, such as the Department of Political Affairs of the Military Region, which specifically reminds that “the small problems of eating a few matches a day will be a great burden for the population if it is not noticed”. (30)

But does discipline have to be careful about these little things? This is precisely the unique political culture of the Eight Roads Army, which had explained to American journalist Carlson: “Some of these disciplines seem unnecessary to Westerners, but in China, the military has bad habits of abusing civilians and taking things from residents. Many of the disciplines were intended to change that situation. An army that respects these rules must have the confidence of the people.” (31) It is clear that the emphasis on discipline in daily life has a deep background in old-fashioned civil-military relations. As a result, the G-8 attaches great importance to the implementation of popular discipline in daily life and has set up three levels of supervision. First, the Force has a dedicated disciplinary inspection team to inspect crowd discipline, sometimes serving as an SPLM officer. (32) The contents of the inspections are very detailed, and they are checked in and out of the camps and even “to the line of fire and its immediate vicinity in order to ensure that the discipline of the troops is consolidated”. (33) In addition to the disciplinary inspections to be carried out by the combat companies, logistics units have also requested the establishment of a three- to five-person “NPC working group” for disciplinary inspections. (34)

Secondly, not only does the inspection team have the right to inspect, but every soldier has a duty of supervision. (35) There are usually political fighters in the company, who are held by high-profile political figures among the fighters and who also play a supervisory role in civil-military relations, such as visiting a political fighter in the military region, who reminds us, “We shall serve as a model of discipline, not eating for three days, and not taking anything from the public.” (36) There is also a certain degree of mandatory supervision. (37)

Thirdly, the population is also a member of the supervisory discipline, which is a significant step forward. One of the 8th road soldiers accidentally entered the field. And when the people saw it, they said, “Stand still! This is my cotton land. Didn't you give an order to keep the crops from going?” (38) This transition, from fear to dare to question, is not easy, as a result of the long-standing discipline of the 8th Street Army. Mass discipline is, first and foremost, mandatory and is part of the administration of the military, with the aim of ensuring that discipline is enforced without delay. The emphasis on the role of external forces can be envisaged by military force in general. However, the Chinese Communist Party has also emphasized the self-consciousness of the internal drive, arguing that “the higher the level of self-consciousness of the military, the greater the intensity of the consolidation of discipline.” (39) Such an effect may be possible under such advocacy. In 1939, an officer of the Eighth Road Army, Liu Rong, “dreamed with thirst and lamented with a melon garden, with red melons in his hand, without any money, he had to slobber and go to a village to drink wells and thirst”. (40) Liu is thirsty to see a watermelon because he has no money to eat, but at this time there is no external oversight, and Liu follows discipline, as exemplified by the internalization of mass discipline in the Eighth Road Force. Of course, not all the soldiers of the Eight Roads are able to exercise this self-consciousness, so there must be both compulsory and conscious public discipline. Following contacts with the population through popular discipline, the G-8 found that it was necessary to gain popular support and to start with daily life. Ultimately, civil-military relations are people-to-people exchanges, which can only deepen through daily interaction. It focuses on four areas: respect for the customs and customs of the population, the organization of meetings such as civil-military festivals, assistance to people in their labour and the resolution of their difficulties. With regard to respect for customs and customs, the G8 emphasizes that it is important not to break public taboos and to pay more attention to what it says and does. In order to understand the customs and customs of the population, the Eighth Road Force conducts regular social surveys, paying particular attention to the “special habits” of the population. (41) For example, in 1939, the 120th Division was ordered to follow through with a broad understanding of folk folklore at every location, to produce pamphlets on mass discipline and the work of the diaspora, and to send them to companies to demand that soldiers respect the habits of the local people. (42) For example, “Women must be treated with respect and not be called `girls', and their peers must be called older and older”. (43) Respect for custom and custom is the basis of daily communication. The Conference is an important mechanism for people-to-people contacts in the political culture of the Communist Party of China (CPC). The CCP has a wide variety of meetings that can be useful. (44) For the village elites, the 8th Road Army is mainly through colloquia, for example, in 1942 there were more than 60 colloquia and 14 gents ' colloquia. (45) Through a colloquium, the 8th Road Forces can announce policies and mobilize automatic donations, such as from gentlemen, to support the resistance. (46)

While rural elites are important, the vast majority of the industrial and agricultural population is considered to be “power-dependent”. As a result, the Eighth Road Army has focused more on the working and farming population. In order to maintain close civil-military relations, the 8th Road Army generally holds a mass conference when it enters the new village, followed by a mass party, a civil-military party and a party for entertainment. (47) In the General Assembly, the army reviewed each other with representatives of civil society and civil society. The Force also organizes town-wide, county-wide or company-company, battalion-to-village festivals when it is busy in the spring. (48) Not only do they normally meet, but they take advantage of the opportunity to meet, exchange feelings and disseminate policy during the year. (49)

In addition to the Civil-Military Coalition, the eight road forces also exchanged views with the population through seminars and talks, such as the civil-military talks in the war-time districts, chaired by the district governor, and the representatives of the population criticized individual road soldiers for their disciplinary violations. (50) Interviews are also considered to be a system in which the 15th and 5th divisions of the 8th Road Army stipulate that each commander and political engineer is used to speaking with the crowd. Each person is required to speak to the crowd once a day and a small landlord tea session is held weekly in shifts. (51)

Helping the civilian population to work is also an important path, with the 8th Street Army targeting first and foremost resistance, village cadres, families of martyrs, destitute and widows, sick people, landlords (e.g. landlords who own land, rich farmers who need help), military excellence, mobilization of talented people. In exceptional circumstances, assistance is provided in the case of counter-enemy looting, regardless of the target. It is not helpful for second-rate, lazy, hypocritical, etc. to try to help them to transform. (52)

Work is divided into two types of work: seasonal farming and domestic work. Seasonal agricultural work, mainly by the army itself and by helping the population produce, sometimes with mutual assistance. The soldiers of the Eighth Road Force, who are involved in productive work, are able to present their new image well. For example, the people are very curious to see the soldiers of the Eighth Road making their own shoes, and they feel “that when you make your own shoes, you know you are an army for the poor”. (53) This affects the population more than mere words. In spring tillage, the 8th Street Army helped people to cultivate their land. The 120-year-old teacher, at his request, has developed a Spring Farming Survey Outline, which provides a comprehensive survey of the population, land conditions, etc. (54) When the population lacks arable land and livestock, troops are sent to help the population with ploughing and others are sent by military regions with livestock. (55) During the spring tillage, the G-8 paid great attention to public discipline and refrained from any hospitality and remuneration, which turned the crowd from its initial pessimism and frustration to its excitement, saying, “What is the G-8 or our army?” (56)

In the area of daily domestic work, there are various types of work, such as water, grinding, grass, etc. Soldiers participate in the daily work of people. Among them, the largest number of jobs were water-picking, with the Shandong Military Region leaving more precise statistics, such as 19228 in Runan, 4567 in glue, 167 (incomplete) in the Lu Centre II, 580 in the Sea and 527 in the Army Direct Corps. (57) These figures themselves reflect the importance and nuance of water-picking labour. While it is generally possible to improve civil-military relations, there is also some complexity in helping people to work. On the one hand, soldiers help people to work in order to ease their burden and gain popular support. However, this has not been done for the benefit of all, and in traditional rural societies farmers are employed for short-term work when they are understaffed during the harvest season. However, if the 8th Road Force offered to help the civilian population harvest, there would be no job opportunities for these short-term workers. As Liu Rong observed, “With our help, many of the short-term workers are unemployed, their wages are reduced from $20 a day to $10 a day, and the farmers who are rich ask us once and for more than 10 people, and these basic people are very dissatisfied.” (58) As a result, some people feel the good side, while others feel the good side, and the practical effects are complex. The interaction in daily life also includes the fact that the eight road forces address the difficulties of the population, which can be closely linked to the population only if they truly begin to “solve the urgent daily problems of farmers”. (59) “The territory in which the revolutionary army operates not only ensures that it does not disturb or harm people, but also that it is done for them.” (60) In the case of gang rapes, which hate the population, the G-8 seeks an opportunity to impose sanctions and to step up its campaign, so that it is “very popular”. (61) The eight road forces also feed the needy. In 1943, the spring floods in the mountains of Thailand and the runaways of food and child-selling in the river areas, the troops demanded that the 8th Road Force save two or two foods per person per day for relief. (62) In addition, victims from enemy-occupied areas must be rescued. (63)

The G-8 has also focused on the treatment of poor people for acute or serious infectious diseases. The International Peace Hospital and its troops treat the sick in the countryside in the border zone, treating a total of 2881,800 people, and the army health services treat the population wherever they are present. (64) For a long time, disease has been a major problem that plagues people's daily lives, and the 8th Street Army has helped to gain support from people who are able to begin with what they can feel and who “not only hear you say well” but, more importantly, “see that you cannot do it”. (65) The resolution of these difficulties has made it clear to the population that the eight-road forces have brought them real benefits. “It is essential to strengthen and accelerate the work of the masses and to maintain close relations with them when the environment and the time are short of the need for them. Otherwise, when the difficulties come to an end in order to take advantage of the point of view in order to reach out to the masses, not only can the work of the crowd not be largely done well, but the army will surely be subjected to more undue hardship.” (66) This statement captures the core of civil-military relations, which serve as a bridge between civil-military relations and which can be replaced only by day-to-day support in times of crisis, a rationale that seems simple and that is not really practiced in good faith. This shows the recognition and strength of the eight-road force. III. Momentum practice and reconciliation of interests in time of war

The formation of a new type of military-military relationship between the eight road forces requires not only public discipline and day-to-day interaction, but also the resolution of some of the old contradictions accumulated in practice and the relationship between the military “war” and the interests of the population. To that end, the eight road forces have explored and put into practice a suitable and non-routine working path, which includes, inter alia, a movement-based approach focused on deep-rooted civil-military issues and the reconciliation of military needs and the interests of the population in time of war. Non-daily working paths and daily interactions complement each other and together constitute a system for the eight-road forces to deal with complex military-military relations in wartime. In the early and medium-term of the full-scale resistance, while the G-8 relations with the population have grown closer, there has also been a considerable accumulation of contradictions and problems between the two sides, and as a result some units have started to choose a fixed time frame to focus on checking and addressing civil-military conflicts. (67) Until 1943, when it was also the practice of individual forces, Deng Xiaoping said: “No area can be envisaged at any time to have a phase in mass work”. (68) By the post-war period, after the situation had stabilized on the ground, the whole army concentrated movement was under conditions. From 1943 to 1945, the Eighth Road Force launched an army-wide pro-people movement, which provided an opportunity to focus on old cases between the civilian and military sectors. On 1 October 1943, the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) issued a directive that, in order to make the party a civil-military organization, each of the local party committees and the governing bodies of the military should be prepared to hold a popular movement of people in love in the coming month. (69) The policy was implemented in accordance with the local policy, and on 2 December 1943, the Taipei Military Region issued a directive to set 3-23 January 1944 as the preparatory time for the Mouvement pour la paix et la paix (MCP) to provide relevant learning and education. (70) On 25 December, the Inspectorate issued an instruction that the northern district would complete the campaign from the beginning of the first month of the calendar year to the fifteenth day of the positive month, and that the event would be completed within the full month of the calendar, depending on the circumstances. (71) The fact that the period of time has been marked by a positive month rather than by a single month, mainly to take care of the people ' s habits of a new year, is an initiative that fully understands the people ' s thoughts. (72)

One of the main tasks of CPJP is to clear old cases, summarize violations of popular discipline by former troops and undertake such work as apology and compensation, and, even if the troops have been redeployed, send a dedicated team back to deal with compensation. Damage compensation has always been part of the mass discipline of the Eight Roads Army, particularly since the end of the fighting, and the campaign focused on old cases. So, what is the specific compensation? The compensation for the various units is roughly the same, and the G-8 has made very detailed statistics on the items for which compensation is paid, such as the Shandong Military Region, which includes 91 bots, 125 pellets, 3 pots, 1 Abacus, etc. (73) These items, although frivolous, are necessary for the daily life of the population and are indicative of the thoroughness of the work of the eight-road forces. Through the campaign, civil-military sentiments were communicated, conflicting conflicts were resolved and a new image was created in the population. In order to test the effectiveness of the campaign, on 7 February 1944, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China issued a directive requiring local authorities to focus on the collection of people ' s real ideas, with particular emphasis on the methods of investigation and the acquisition of real ideas through some investigative techniques. (74) This demonstrates that the movement is indeed trying to solve inter-military problems, reflecting the CCP ' s care and ability to solve them. Finally, while looking at the military-military relations of the 8th Road Force, attention should also be paid to a particular issue, namely, the impact of “war” on the interests of the population, which is a characteristic of distinguishing between the general elite and a major challenge facing the 8th Road Force in dealing with civil-military relations. The impact of war on civil-military relations is generally positive. The early entry of the 8th Road Force into North China led to the attainment of a level playing field, which greatly enhanced its reputation. (75) A team that can win the war is better able to win popular support and analysis: “If the enemy comes in, we don't fight, then once and twice, the crowd loses faith in us.” (76) Conversely, if there is no war, there will be a loss of popular support. However, fighting sometimes also conflicts with the interests of the population. Because fighting by the 8th Road Force could provoke enemy retaliation and cause popular discontent. If the 8th Road Force had fought in the village of Sunning, the Japanese hypocrites had caught the crowd, filled their stomachs with cold water and carried them alive. (77) The consequence is that “there was a time when the crowd did not want the 8th Street Army to fight in its village and did not dare to approach the 8th Street Army for fear of retaliation from the enemy”. (78) It is clear that how to deal with the war and the interests of the people is a challenge for the eight-road forces. War can sometimes win popular support, but it has its own pattern of fighting, does not guarantee that it will always win, and when it is defeated, how can it be faced at this time? Nee Yong-hoon is concerned about this problem, and he believes that “no one can guarantee a victory forever, more than to work for the masses”. This turned the seemingly passive issue of popular sentiment into a proactive one, and he added: “The battle has been defeated, and the crowd's emotions have changed and changed entirely in our work. Our work is a good and bad watershed." (79)

It is true that a war must take into account the interests of the population, but it is possible that if the interests of the population are only taken into account, the warplanes may be misled and the war will not survive and will not win popular support. Thus, while taking care of the interests of the population, the G-8 also hopes that the population will not “take only temporary and immediate interests into account”. (80) Nie Yong-hoon said: “We should pay constant attention to the fact that military action cannot be carried out at the request of the people alone, and that we must be able to exercise control over our own actions.” The decision must be made in the light of the situation on the battlefield. (81)

Of course, the G-8 also stressed the need to pay attention to the interests and needs of the population before and after the fighting. For example, the 8th Road Force often needs to write slogans on walls, but houses with slogans are vulnerable to burning and destruction by the Japanese Army, so that when writing slogans, as much as possible, “do not paint on the walls of houses of ordinary people”. (82) In the course of the fighting, the armed forces shall inform the population and provide cover for its safety. For example, when the situation is urgent and the military is forced to move, the population is informed about the situation and the reasons for the transfer are explained in order to avoid complaints from the population and to undermine civil-military unity. Moreover, if the enemy approaches, the population will not be able to escape and the army will also have to provide the necessary cover. (83)

Taken together, the work of these populations constitutes the main path to the formation of new civil-military relations. The four aspects are both time-based and simultaneous, with a different focus in different time- and space-based contexts, such as when people are approached, where mass discipline dominates and when they become familiar, communication in everyday life is the most important. By the post-war period, it was also important to focus on issues of conflict as they accumulated, but after the campaign, day-to-day interaction must be filled immediately. In times of war, how to deal with the interests of both sides becomes the focus of attention. As a result, four parties formed a mutually reinforcing system of mass work. For the system to work, the idea of mass work for all must be implemented. IV. Development of a new type of civil-military relationship

So, what is the military-military relationship of the 8th Road Force? In the view of the author, it is not simply “good” or “bad” to be judged, but it is essential that the 8th Road Force's civil-military relations be analysed in a specific time and space environment. Indeed, in civil-military relations, the most important of which is the “civilian”, it is only when the relatively vulnerable population feels that the army is good that it can show that close civil-military relations exist between the two sides. It is in this sense, however, that the voices of the people are difficult to obtain, and it is in this context that it is hoped that their assessment of the 8th World Army will be seen through some “signopolitan acts” of the people, which, while outwardly manifested, reflect their inner activities, such as calling, imitation and worship, which are in daily life, and which are somewhat influenced by politics, but which, after all, have a role to play, which is largely credible. The title reflects the closeness of human relationships. In old-style civil-military relations, civilians often refer to the chief of the army and the soldiers as “general”, a hierarchy. However, with the arrival of the Eighth Road Force, the civilian population ceased to be the “master”. War veterans Lee Jin-bong recalled: “If a civilian calls himself the Chief, he will be investigated by an organization.” (84)

When you change your name, you call it "gay." Unlike the “Girls”, “gay” shows a state of equality, which is not easy in a Chinese society that has been in a strong position for a long time. As Shatin, the writer, wrote to the people, “Yes, family, we call you the boss, now we call you gay.” (85) It can be seen that “gay” is considered a proxy for “family”. Another example occurred in 1942, when, in order to allow the 8th Street Army to disperse and hide among the population, the Zo Chinese party specifically emphasized that the 8th Street Army should no longer be called “gay”, but that it should be called by its own names. (86) This example shows, on the contrary, that it has become customary for the people to refer to the 8th Road Force as “gay” and that, in times of crisis, people need to be specifically instructed to change that designation. So, what do the people call the 8th Street Army? It's not called the Eight Roads, it's "Our Team." One of the country's inhabitants said, “It's hard to get to this difficult time, and it's hard to get rid of the ghosts and eat and drink. And what if the 8th Road Force is our team?” (87) “We” is used in the North, and it's generally “we” rather than “we” that means that each other are one and the same, which reflects the people's view of the 8th Road Force as “their own” and the importance of the 8th Road Force among the population. With regard to the semantic difference between “us” and “us”, in October 1943, the Deputy Political Council of Shandong Military Region reflected on the fact that we have not yet become “your army” in popular terms. (88) This shows that the use of “you” and “us” is not an unintentional move, but a conscious one. The purpose of the use of “we” rather than “you” is to connect the 8th Street Army and the population into a cohesive whole, and soldiers will be careful to use “our army” in their daily lives. (89)

On the other hand, the description of the people by the 8th Street Army is worth analysing. The general designation of the population by the 8th Street Army is “back home”, and Golu found that “every time our troops come out at night, the crowd flees or hides inside the house. When we say "back home", they will open the door and greet them, and say, "We are here, open the door" or "Go home," and none of them will run away. But if we do not call for our homeland, the people will not dare to return, and they think we are self-defence forces or bandits.” (90) It can be seen that the “back home” is one of the signs of mutual identification between the G-8 and the population. It is also clear that it has become customary for the 8th Street Army to refer to the population as a village. Another term used by the 8th Street Army to describe the people is "Masama". “The 8th Road Army is a great deal to me.” This is a choreography of the 8th Road Army’s Southward Movement of Communications fighters, which reflects the universal nature of the 8th Road Army. Of course, the term “mama” is not the name of all people and is usually the name of a middle-aged woman. On one occasion, a communications company was living in a house in a village where the landlady helped them light a kerosene lamp. The soldiers did not see the woman's landlord, who was still known as the “mister” as they were used to, and the next morning, she was seen as a big girl with big braids. This interesting story tells us that the "mama" has indeed become a call for the 8th Street Army. The "gay" "us" "gang" behind the name "gang" is an important consideration for the 8th Street Army's attempt to bridge the distance between civilians and civilians. Similar to what is called, imitation and worship are expressions of the inner world of the people. Despite being a fighting force, the 8th Road Force is not alone in the camp, but is living with the population. As a result, the living conditions of the eight road forces are easily attractive to the population and trigger their imitation. As the 8th Street Army likes to sing, the people around, especially the children, learn to sing, and sometimes the children in the village learn to sing as the 8th Street Army gather to sing. (92) The imitations in these daily life scenes are deepening the interaction between the civilian and military, as well as increasing public awareness of the 8th Street Army. Not only are the civilians imitating the 8th Street Army, but they also worship the 8th Street Army, which reflects the close civil-military ties. On 26 February 1945, when Chai Mei Wing (93) went to the village of the Foreign Minister of Henan Zigen County, he discovered that the landlord's house was under a medal with the words, “Long live the Communist Party of China! Long live the Chinese!” and his words: “We are all surprised and excited! It is dangerous because this is also the place where the enemy travels all the time, and it is dangerous to do so, and the Boss-in-law openly worships the Communist Party as a “god” during the spring! (94) From the point of view of the revolution, the burning of Chamby Buddha by the people is a backward act, but in a transitional era the people continue to live in a traditional way, and these symbolic acts represent the very voice of the people. In conclusion, it has been possible to look at the basics of the new form of civil-military relations by looking at the popular designations, imitations and worshipes of the 8th Street Army. However, this does not mean that there are no contradictions or limitations to civil-military interaction. The contradiction in this relationship is then discussed here. First, in the CCP's view, “we, our army, our party, are invincible because we do not hide our shortcomings and mistakes. We are always good at criticism and self-criticism, at educating and training cadres from mistakes, and at correcting our mistakes in a timely manner”. (95) Thus, we can see in the documentation of the Eighth Road Forces the contradiction between the military and the military. (96) Violations of discipline occur more or less in all units. Not only can examples of disciplinary violations be found in the available literature, but there are also more detailed statistics, such as in 1942, when the Tai Chi column counted 549 mass disciplinary violations throughout the year. (97) This, of course, is a partial summary and cannot be considered an overall evaluation. Why, then, would some of the soldiers of the Eighth Road be violating mass discipline? The reasons for this are many. Following the beginning of the resistance phase, the 8th Road Force has expanded its ranks, which, in addition to the old Red Army, have absorbed a large number of new fighters, who are vulnerable to crowd discipline due to lack of or insufficient training and awareness of the purpose and discipline of the 8th Road Force. (98) In addition, after the fighting, the 8th Road Army absorbed former soldiers, gatemen, plethora of armed men, who were also more vulnerable to mass discipline. (99)

Of course, it is not only new recruits who violate discipline, but, more importantly, some of the fighters have mistaken ideas and working styles. There are those who believe that civil-military relations are not too good and that it is difficult for the army to command the population if it is too good for the population. (100) This view sees only the mandatory part of the administration of the military and ignores its internal driving forces, which are different from the general army. Relations between military cadres and soldiers, not only between managers and governed, but also between gays, require equal respect and communication. Another cause that cannot be overlooked is the hardship of the soldiers of the Eighth Road. This hardship manifests itself in various aspects, including food and clothing. On 10 November 1938, Rorschyn, the leader of the political work of the 8th Road Forces, reminded that “when he retreats, the mood of the troops is so depressed that if he is unable to provide for himself, he will be so depressed” that “no one can guarantee that the looting will not happen” if it is not properly addressed. (101)

Of course, hardship cannot be used as a reason for violating popular discipline, and Chen stressed in particular: “The hard struggle must not lead to a disarray of discipline and give the public a bad impression. On the contrary, it is important to be in the midst of the masses, to experience their psychology and to come up with concrete solutions.(102) The key words “to be in the midst of the masses” “to experience their psychology” reflect the principles of the Chinese Communist Party in addressing the problem. Under this principle, the concrete approach may be for political workers to carry out mass work along the way, to obtain the help of the population and to mobilize the comfort of the population for the troops. Of course, in addition to political work, strict discipline by the military is required. (103)

As a result, the main facet of the new type of military-military relations between the eight road forces is popular support and support, but there are also some contradictions, which have multiple causes and cannot be generalized. (104) In the village of Shan Siuhua, the journalist Menqiujiang noticed that the people were beginning to think that the 8th Street Army had entered the village and returned home automatically, and saw that it was not the 8th Street Army, “the population ran away like a mouse. (105) During the period of the fighting, the population often runs outside the village or the mountains to escape the Japanese army, and when they see the 8th Army, they go home, not the 8th Army, which tells us the difference between old and new civil-military relations. Even though this new type of civil-military relationship has improved considerably in the past, the CPC itself is not satisfied with this level of satisfaction. In 1944, the General Assembly said, “We should be a hundred points, and if there are any discounts, we should check ourselves and how many are the elements of the old army — Chiang Ho and Zhishan”. (106) It is clear that Zhang feels that the goal of the Eighth Road Army should be 100 points, not a discount. Zhang Yumoto's view indicates that the 8th Road Force has a high target for civil-military relations and that it is a prospect for every 8th Road Army soldier to work for it. In other words, the new type of civil-military relations of the 8th Road Force may not be perfect, but the people will not ask for the 8 Road Force with the perfect standards, which are often measured on the basis of their own experience. Lu Zhengjian spoke of the existence of the mythical Communist Party and the Eighth Road Army in all sectors of the society during the war, arguing that “as long as the Communist Party and the Eighth Road Force are able to reach, whatever the matter, everything should be done without conditions, and the ghost of the Japanese Kyat should be scattered under this heaven and heaven”. Under these myths, frustration, prejudice and resentment are created when some undesirable facts are seen. In fact, these myths “do not understand that the Communist Party and the 8th Street Army are ordinary people at all, and do ordinary things, but rather do the usual things that ordinary people do not want to do, and show determination and strength in the process that ordinary people do”. (107) Words are simple and far-reaching, and ordinary people do what they normally do, seem easy and hard. Concluding remarks

The formation of a new type of civil-military relationship between the eight road forces is rooted in the succession and transformation of the good traditions of the Sioux district and matures in a combat environment. At its core is the building of basic trust through strict popular discipline, the integration into the life of the population through intensive daily interaction, and the use of focused practice at specific times to resolve conflicts and deepen feelings. Of particular importance is the fact that the Eight Road Forces have successfully explored ways of reconciling the needs of war with the interests of the population and have sought to find a combination of them. This shaping process shows that the construction of a new type of civil-military relationship is not a one-off process, but is being achieved through a dynamic process of continuous adjustment of class policies and response to the Japanese army's “sweeping”. The formation of a new type of civil-military relationship between the 8th Road Force is a dynamic process with both material and spiritual dimensions, and the popular work of the 8th Road Force advocates a “scructified” approach to work, i.e., a continuous effort in daily life, leading to a shift from “You” to “We”. (108) It is very difficult to insist, as Lu Zhengxian said, that it is of the utmost importance to do what is normal, which may be the mystery behind the new type of civil-military relations of the Eighth Road Force. Of course, the support behind this cannot be separated from that of the entire military and political forces of the CCP, and these daily measures will only achieve the desired results if the ground is stable. Indeed, “continuing” is the key to the survival and development of the Chinese Communist Party's enemies, behind which is the integration of the party, the army and the population. Civil-military relations are by nature human-to-human relations, which can be effective only if they are put into practice over time. The 8th Road Forces give people not only water, but hope for life. Notes:

1 Wang Qing Ding, " Guanshan Roads: Memories Quarters " , Beijing: Life Reader, Xinjiang Bookshop, 2013, p. 69. The author has made a separate study of the 8th Street Army singing. 2 See, e.g., “Small fish water” to “Small fish water” — construction of civil-military relations in the Ganning Boundary Area, Journal of Nine River Colleges (Prayal Social Science Edition), No. 2, 2010; Yang Ying, “Fish water relations: competition relations — empirical studies of civil-military relations”, Economic Research Guide, No. 36, 2012. Zodiac Zodiac: " Under the authority of the Communist Party of China during the War " , Anti-Japanese War Study, No. 4, 2018. 3R: Political work in the anti-Japanese army (10 November 1938), eds., Political Work Unit, China People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, Book 4, History of Political Work in the Army, Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army combatant press, 1982, p. 277. 4 Bear Zhiyong: From the Edge to the Centre: A group of soldiers in the wake of the social change of the evening, Tianjin: Tianjin People's Press, 1998, pp. 167-233. 5 [United States] Zhisheng: China ' s Warlord Politics (1916-1928), Yang Yunro, Xiao Yang, Beijing: Chinese People ' s University Press, 2010, p. 76. 6 Hodebo, born in 1922, and alive in Hebei, served as deputy director of the 3rd Guerrilla Command in the 4th Military Division of the Military Region, and of the 30th Regiment Supply Division during the period of resistance. 7 Hodebo, The Year of the Fire, publication date unknown, p. 7. 8 Chen Chong: Discussion and Resolution on the Future Work of the Department of Political Affairs, Department of Political Affairs, Military Commission of the National Government: Second Resistance Directive on Political Training, published at an unknown time, p. 21. 9 Yang Gueyu, Liu Deng Yi, 13th Year, 6 September 1937, Chongqing: Chongqing University Press, 1991, p. 13. 10 Zodiac Dazzle: The Zone of Extremism and Limits: The Revolution in the Central Soviet Region (1933-1934), Beijing: Social Science Documents Press, 2011, 172-177. (11) Song Wing poverty memoirs, Beijing: ALBA Press, 2007, p. 106. (12) The Liang seal: The Fire of the Mountain: My Memory of the War Against Japan, Beijing: Long March Press, 2005, p. 17. (13) Wang Tsiao Feng: The North Anti-Daily Diary, 13 September 1937, eds.: Compilation of Bibliography of the Battle of the Flat Customs, Beijing: CCP S.S., 2012, p. 229. (14) Mao Zedong: The situation and mission of the battle against the Japanese war after the fall of the Shanghai Taiwon (Shanghai Taiwon) 12 November 1937, ed.: History of the Political Work of the Army, Book 4, p. 52. (15) Nein Yong-hoon and others: new work on new issues in the new phase of the Red Army 19 February 1937, by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science: History of the Political Work of the Military, Book 3, Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army combatant Press, 1982, p. 676. (16) Nie Yong-hoon et al., New Work of the Red Army on Emerging Issues in the New Phase (19 February 1937), eds., Political Work Unit, Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 3, p. 672. (17) Nie Yong-hoon et al.: New issues and new jobs for the Red Army in the new phase (19 February 1937) (19 February 1937), eds., Department of Political Work, China People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, 3rd edition, p. 677. (18) Building our Army (the " Front Line " ), by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People ' s Liberation Army School of Political Science, Book 5: History of the Political Work of the Army, Beijing: China People ' s Liberation Army Soldiers Press, 1982, p. 194. (19) “Report to Mao Zedong” (2 January 1938), cited in Ni Zhongjun, Beijing: Contemporary China Press, 2006, p. 108. (20) General Department of Political Affairs: Summary of Political Work (1940), ed., Political Work Unit, China People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, History of Political Work in the Military, Book 5, p. 319. (21) Two Routes Behind the Enemy (15 May 1939), Tang Xiaoping Military Papers, vol. 1, Beijing: Military Science Press, Central Documentation Press, 2004, p. 92. (22) Decision of the General Political Department of the Chinese Industrial, Agricultural and Red Army on the political work of the troops in the new phase, eds., Committee for the Review of the Historical Information Series of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, Beijing: Liberation Army Press, 1994, p. 13. (23) Neyon Luen (up), Beijing: People's Press, 2022, p. 295. (24) There is a distinction between military, political and mass discipline in the discipline of the Eighth Road Forces, in which popular discipline is mainly used to regulate the relations between the Eighth Road Forces and the population. The Chinese Communist Party emphasizes the need for three disciplines to be balanced and, as one of the conditions for the formalization of the Eighth Road Forces, see Chen Yi, " On the construction of the Army " (Audience No. July 1941), Office of the Director-General, Department of Political Affairs: Selected sources of history of the political work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, Beijing: Liberation Army Press, 2004, p. 272. (25) Pei Shichang: Review of the work of the Army in the People's Movement (November 1941), ed., Office of the General Political Department, Selected Information on the Political Work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 483. (26) Pei Shichang: Review of the work of the Army in the People's Movement (November 1941), ed., Office of the General Political Department, Selected Information on the Political Work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 484. (27) Several Awareness Issues in the Development of Post-enemy Guerrilla War (6 June 1939), vol. 2, Beijing: People's Press, 1997, pp. 227-228. (28) The work of the P8 population advocates that all soldiers are the subject and that there are established institutions and personnel responsible, as discussed separately. (29) The Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, vol. 4, p. 26. (30) Department of Political Affairs of the Military Region: On political work in various situations in the Chinese Forces in the aftermath of the “Five Ones”, ed.: History of the Political Work of the Army, Book 8, Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army Soldiers Press, 1982, p. 567. (31) Evans Fortes Carlson, [United States]: China's Twin Stars, Qui Guo Myung et al., Beijing: Xinhua Press, 1987, p. 73. (32) Wang Zhenghui, Wang Hong et al.: 90 Years: A Memory of Wang Zianhui, Hou & Hout: Inner Mongolia People's Press, 2006, p. 218. (33) " On intensification of site construction " (18 September 1941), edited by the book: “Shaw Dynasty” (up), Beijing: ELN Press, 2014, p. 100; and Pei Sechang, “Assemblée pour la démocratie et la libération du lege” (Presentation of the People's Movement of the Army) (Presentation) November 1941), eds., Office of the General Political Department: Selected Historical Information on the Political Work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 484. (34) Shehan Wen: An outline of the report on the political work of the Ministry of Field Logistics, editor-in-chief Chen Hyo Wen: Selected material on the logistic history of the Chinese People's Liberation Army during the War against Japan, volume 1, Beijing: Kim Shield Press, 1991, p. 348. (35) Liu Zhijin: The political work of the guerrillas (15 March 1941), ed., Office of the General Political Department: Selected historical information on the political work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 81. (36) Zhu Liang's talent: Overview of the political work of the forces in the area of observation in the autumn December 1941, Chinese People's Liberation Army Political Academy, Political Work Unit, Book 6, History of the Political Work of the Army, Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army combatant Press, 1982, p. 635. (37) The political fighters, who are not self-employed but are organized, are behind the organization ' s strength and have more content to discuss. (38) Red, etc.: Gallour Journal, 15 June 1942, Ho Hot: University Press of Inner Mongolia, 2004, p. 272. (39) Lorraine: Political work in the anti-Japanese army (10 November 1938), ed., Political Work Unit, Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, Book 4, History of Political Work in the Army, p. 231. (40) Liangshan Song et al. eds., “The Fire of the Fire: Liu Yong's Day of Fight against War”, Beijing, 5 July 1944: Chinese Story Press, 2015, 175 pp. (41) No. 2 of 1942. (42) Chen Jingming: The People's Movement Work of the 120th Division, eds. The History Study Office of the Party of the Chinese Communist Party of Hebei Province, 120 Divisions Fighting in the Search, Beijing: Chinese Communist Party Publishing House, 1997, p. 271. (43) Lujoon, “Returning China's North War with Comrade He Long”, by the Research Unit of the Modern Revolution of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, “Reminiscent of Heron”, Shanghai: Shanghai People's Press, 1984, pp. 152-153. (44) For the type of meeting, see Song Hong: Meeting: Grass-roots Politics in North China, Qinghua University Journal (Physical Social Science Edition), No. 4, 2022. (45) “Summary report on the political work of the Tai-Ye army in 1949” (December 1942), by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science: History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 7, Beijing: Chinese People's Liberation Army combatant press, 1982, p. 646. (46) Yang Sung-Wu's memoirs, Beijing: ALBA Press, 2007, p. 291. (47) " On intensification of land-based construction work " (18 September 1941), edited by the book book ed.: Xiao Dynasty (up), p. 100. (48) “Summary of the first year of government and love - Lian Yu's summary report (Part I) at the Shandong Military District Political Engineering Conference on 19 April 1994”, eds. CCP Shandong Provincial Committee Party History Office, etc.: Xiandong Historic Library, vol. 12, Chinan: Shandong People ' s Press, 2015, p. 156. Construction of Mass Work by People in Power and the Army - Comrade Li Yu's Report to the Military District Political Engineering Conference in April 1994 (Part II), eds. CCP Shandong Provincial Committee Party History Office, vol. 12, p. 193. (49) “Observation on the New Year and the Old Year”, by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science: History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 5, p. 552. (50) Liu Zhengzhi: A Ritual of the Diaries, edited by the Committee for the Study of History and History of the Town District Commission of the People's Political Consultative Council of China: 5th edition of the Tundu Historic Information, 15 May 1944, produced in 1993, pp. 101-105. (51) " On intensification of land-based construction work " (18 September 1941), edited by the book book ed.: Xiao Dynasty (up), p. 100. (52) Construction of Mass Work by People in Convergence and the Army - Comrade Li Yu's Report at the Military District Political Industry Conference in April 1994 (Part II), eds. CCP Shandong Provincial Commission Party History Study Office, vol. 12, p. 191. (53) Jadfa et al., Recollections of the Fifty-seventh Regiment of Veterans during the War against Japan, No Press, 1995, p. 232. 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(71) Directive of the Inspectorate on the implementation of the policy of valorization of the people and the military (25 December 1943), by the Faculty of Political Studies of the People's Liberation Army of China: History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 8, p. 544. (72) Central Instructions on the Movement of Convergence and the People's Solidarity Army (10 December 1943), ed., Political Work Unit, Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, 8th Book, History of the Political Work of the Army, 528. (73) “Summary of the People of Love over the Year — Lai Yu’s Summary Report at the Shandong Military District Political Engineering Conference (Part I) on 19 April 1994”, Editor-in-Chief of the Permanent Company: Shandong Party History Library, vol. 12, p. 154. (74) Directive of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party on the inspection of the patriarchy of the people in love with the Chinese People's Liberation Army and the work of the military in favour of the military (7 February 1944), prepared by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science: History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 8, p. 656. (75) Chen Shui Diary, 1 October 1937, Beijing: People ' s Press, 2013, p. 19. (76) Neyron's memoir (up above), p. 352. (77) Liu Guangyu: Years of Hard Fighting, CCP Hebei Provincial Committee's History Study Office: " The Armed Struggle in Tanaka " (up), Beijing: CCP History Press, 1994, p. 227. (78) Guerrilla War through Trench Line (1943), Lu Zhengjing: The War on the Plains, Beijing: Liberation Army Press, 1987, p. 181. (79) Nein Yong-hoon: A summary of months of support to the North China Resistance and our tasks ahead April 1938, Hebei Party History Study Office of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) (up), Beijing: Chinese Communist Party History Press, 1999, pp. 79-80. (80) Liu Guangyu: Years of Hard Fighting, CCP Hebei Provincial Committee's History Study Office: " The Armed Struggle of Tanaka " (upped), p. 228. (81) Nie Yong-hoon: A summary of months of support to the North China Resistance and our tasks ahead April 1938, CCP Hebei Provincial Council Party History Study Office, North China Resistance Day (upped), p. 80. (82) Experience in the work of the enemy (March 1943), Office of the Chief of Political Affairs: Chinese People's Liberation Army, Selected History of Political Work, vol. 7, Beijing: Liberation Army Press, 2004, p. 152. (83) Directive of the Central Northern Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party, Department of Field Political Affairs of the Eight Road Forces on military and local work in the Japanese Army's “cleaning up” 25 February 1942), ed., Office of the General Political Department: Selected historical information on the political work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 612. (84) Guo Su-Fin et al., “Study of oral information of war veterans on the basis of Tsing Yi Yue-ru's opposition to the Earth”, Ishi Jiawon: Hebei People's Press, 2021, p. 103. (85) U Fok Fai, eds., Sardine Journal, 22 January 1939, Taihara: Shanxi Educational Press, 1997, p. 50. (86) Cho Lianchuan: " A lasting memory " , No. 23, " Information on the Struggle against the Japanese People " , Office of the Information Research Institute for the Struggle against the Japanese People, 1985. (87) Red et al., Gaul Journal, 20 February 1940, p. 82. (88) “Summary of the work of the masses for six years - Comrade Li Yu's Summary Report at the Group Worker's Meeting in October 1994 at the Branch Office”, by Shandong Province Archives, etc., Selected Historical Archives of the Shandong Revolution, Series 11, Jenan: Shandong People's Press, 1983, p. 102. (89) Liangshan Song et al., eds., The Fire of Fire: Liu Yong Fight Days, 16 November 1943, p. 78. (90) Red et al., Gaul Journal, 8 February 1940, p. 74. (91) Suzan: Iron Fortress - A Model Party Branch of the Kami-Nam Party Communications Company, Rushi Yiru Preparatory Branch of the Beijing 8th Road Army Shan-Tung Association for the Study and Research of the Future: Ruthy Yeelu ' s Recall of the History of the Day, Beijing: Chinese Communist Party, 2019, pp. 643-644. (92) The Jade Seal: The Fire in the Mountain: My Memory of the War against Japan, pp. 23-24, 26. (93) Cai Myer, who held the post of Secretary of the Shun County Council during the War. (94) Selected eds.: Cai Mai Wheel, 16-17 February 1945, Zhengzhou: Henan People's Press, 1989, p. 15. (95) Judd: Campaign for Convergence and People's Love, ed., Political Work Unit, China People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, 8th Book, History of the Political Work of the Army, 560 pp. (96) See Summary of the Political Work of the Western Group's Forces in the Battle of Linan (October 1943), vol. 3 of the Selected Books of the Battle of the Japanese War in the 129th Division and in the Military District of Jin Yuelu, Beijing: The War of the Second Field War of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, 1962, p. 111. Deng Zhuihui: "Eradicate warlord ideology completely" 10 February 1942), ed., Office of the General Political Department: Selected historical information on the political work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 6, p. 588. Liangshan Song et al., eds., The Fire of Fire: Liu Yong's Day of Fight, 2 February 1945, p. 254. (97) “Summary report on the political work of the Tai Chi column in 1949” (December 1942), by the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science: History of the Political Work of the Army, vol. 7, p. 644. (98) Lin Yu, Diary of an 8th Road Army female soldier, 17 October 1940, Hong Kong: Hong Kong Cultural Publishing Company, 2005, p. 67. (99) Yorthpin: 8th Road Military History, Nanjing: Jiangsu People's Press, 2017, p. 203. (100) Zhou Enlai: The Political Work of the War Resistance Army (10 January 1938), ed., Office of the General Political Department, Selected Information on the Political Work of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, vol. 4, p. 97. (10.1) " Political Work in War " (10 November 1938), " Roryjing ' s military selection " , Beijing: Contemporary China Press, 2006, p. 88. (102) Supplementary Directive on the Struggle against the Enemy (13 December 1941), edited by the Editorial Team of Chen Shui Military Selection, Ministry of General Equipment, Beijing: LA Press 2007, p. 64. (103) Political Work in Time of War (10 November 1938), Rory Military Texts, p. 88. (104) Zodiac noted in the article that the relationship with the 8th Army was always viewed by the population in a comparative manner and that the “Better 8th Army” was largely the same at the time. Cf. Joo Doo-Chu, " Under the authority of the Communist Party of China during the War " , Anti-Japanese War Research, No. 4, 2018, p. 21. (105) Akijiang, " Civil-Military Relations in Jinxi " , Pentecostal, 1938, No. 5. (106) *** Report on the two-year profile and four-year mandate of the Mouvement pour la paix et la paix (23 December 1944), CPP Study, vol. 12, No. 3, p. 135. (107) Broadening and Consolidating the National Unity Front against Japan Lu Zheng Jianxing: The War on the Plains, p. 11. (108) LEE Qiang: Consolidation of the work of the Force In 1941), the Political Work Unit of the Chinese People's Liberation Army School of Political Science, ed., History of the Political Work of the Army, Book 6, p. 449.