The original interpretation and conceptualization of the White Zone in the Chinese Communist Party revolutionary discourse

Author: Wang Kai, male lecturer at the Maxist Institute of Business, Shanghai; Li Yang, male professor at the Maxist Institute of Teacher Training University, Shanghai. Abstract: As an important aspect of party history research, the CCP white area history research has a rich connotation. The conceptualized “White Zone” stems from the introduction and use of the “white” language, which, on the basis of an initial understanding of the ruling areas of the National Party, was accompanied by the practice of leading the Soviet regional revolution by the Chinese Communist Party (CPC), and was ultimately fixed as a specific reference to the “National Party Zone” in the context of the land revolution war and the “Soviet Zone”, a process of the evolution of revolutionary practice and theoretical thinking. To look at the construction of the concept of the “White Zone” by the Communist Party of China, it may be possible to deepen its understanding of its spatial and temporal content, avoid conceptualization, and deepen and expand its historical research. Keywords: Communist Party of China; White; White Zone; Su Zone

Fund Project: Shanghai City Youth Teachers Funding Project Project “Study of Images of Political Theory of Ideology in Higher Education” (AG 2430811)

The term “White Zone” is a more common political concept used by the Communist Party of China during the period of the land revolution war and is also an important concept of regional division. It should be noted that the concept of the “white zone” should have a specific temporal and spatial dimension in the Chinese Communist Party revolutionary discourse. This issue, in particular with regard to the transformation of the concept at a given time, space and the construction of the Communist Party, is, however, rarely addressed. At present, the concept of the “white Zone” is generally considered by the academic community to refer primarily to areas under the control of the National Party that existed during the period of the land revolution war and corresponded to the “Soviet Zone”. However, there is also a seemingly ambivalent view that the “white Zone” should “include the period of the warlords of the North Ocean, the period of 10 years of civil war, the time of the war against Japan and the time of the war of liberation”. Some scholars have also argued that “the `White Zone' is an area outside the territory under which the Communist Party is based, including the Zone of Warlords of the North, the Zone of the National Party (known as the `White Zone' during the War of the Land Revolution, which was renamed the `Unional Zone' during the War) and the fall zone occupied by the Japanese army”. This view is also reflected in the results of studies in individual cases, such as articles which even consider that “the work of the Party in the White Zone during the period of the Janan is mainly related to the work of the Party in the areas under the rule of the National Party (in the national order) and in the occupied areas of the Japanese Army (in the fall zone). In the view of the authors, such a view extends the temporal and spatial content of the concept of the “white Zone” and the geographical scope of the concept in question too broadly, thus presenting a “conceptualization” tendency, even contrary to historical truth. “To explain the concept of the white zone. This issue has not yet been carefully analysed by the academic community.” In view of this, it is proposed that this issue be examined in the context of the historical history of the CCP, with a view to promoting further research. Quoting the “white” language in the earlier CCP language

In China's ancient colour culture, there is a "Four-Square-Square-Straight" and "White, Western-Strat-Strat-Strat-Strat-Strat-Strat-A-Strat-A-Strat-A-S." It's two, two negatives. White corresponds to gold in five ancient lines, while Western gold is white. Thus, in ancient Chinese times, white was often seen as a colour of bad fate, murder and bad fortune. The white flag of the White Tiger, for example, is more like the white flag. Unlike the case of China, in Russia, the word “white” in history often contains praise. Mrs. Zugusra, the Russians' predecessor, often referred to the God of Good as White God, representing light, happiness, truth. During the tsar period, white was used as the color of the royal family, people worshipped white and the tsar was commonly called the “white tsar”. Alexander II, then known as the “liberator” of the serf, was referred to by Ngos as the “white tsar”. After the October revolution, white pejorative uses began to emerge as a red antithesis. White begins to be associated with the meaning of “retroactive” “revolutionary” “decomposed” “down”. At that time, some reactionary forces loyal to the tsar colluded with international imperialism in an attempt to destroy the newly established Soviet regime. Thus, in the history of the Communauté internationale, this part of the reaction is commonly referred to as the “White Guard” and its armed forces as the “White Guard”. Lenin has repeatedly stressed the need to “win over white-guarded” in order to consolidate the triumph of the October revolution and the nascent Soviet regime. To this end, Lenin also organized the “Red Army for Socialist Workers and Poor Farmers”. From 1918 to 1919, communist movements emerged in Finland, Hungary and Italy, with the proletarian classes in some countries taking power. Lenin used the concept of “white terror” when he communicated with the proletarian leaders of those countries or spoke about the revolutions in those countries. For example, in August 1918, Lenin wrote letters to the Italian Socialists Serati and LaCharlie, referring to the “white terror of the bourgeois class” in the process of establishing “the proletarian dictatorship and Soviet system”. Referring to the Finnish Revolution, he noted that “the Finnish bourgeois has suppressed thousands of Finnish workers with white terror”. In March 1919, the Communist International “one big” was devoted to white terror and a resolution on white terror. In the early days of the Communist Party of China, a series of concepts were introduced with the revolutionary colours of the Soviet Union, in which the White Party was naturally ranked as “white terror”. The White Party began to appear in the newspapers as the October revolution spread into China. At that time, the Chinese Progressive Press reported on the White Party in Russia. As was the case on 15 August 1919, the newspaper Leif published a news report entitled " The U-Lange Defence Emergency Redemption of the White Party " . In the same month, the Morning News published a newsletter entitled " The elus of the White Party in Russia " . Around 1920, Russian messengers Hodorov and Wiyowski founded the Chinese-Russian News Agency and the Chinese-Russian News Agency. The former was the first news agency to be established in China, while the latter was the first one to be created by the Chinese Marxists. Both the Chinese-Russian news agency and the Chinese-Russian news agency have provided a large number of contributions to progressive newspapers such as The New Young People's daily newspaper, on the Russian-Russian revolution in the aftermath of the October revolution, as well as on the Russian “White Party” in their telegrams. At the time, under pressure from their own countries, Russia's “White Party” “White Guards” often entered Mongolia, Xinjiang and North-East China. In December 1921, the Chinese-Russian organization reported on the exodus of Russian-White elements who had lost their war in Amur to the three north-eastern provinces of China. Most of these white party elements who fled to China relied on Zhang Zongchang, a warlord at the time. For this reason, the Soviet Ambassador to China, Garahan, specifically protested to the then Government of the North Ocean over the use of white-party elements in China. Galahan said that “this is contrary to the Chinese-Russian agreement and that it is easy for Chinese to recognize white party members as Soviet nationals, that there has been a misunderstanding about the Soviet Union, and that the Government is therefore requested to suspend the recruitment and disband the recruited Russian-White Party army in order to respect the Chinese-Russian agreement and the friendship between the two countries”. There have also been reports of the protests by Ambassador Garahan of Russia against the recruitment of white party elements in China. According to incomplete statistics, over a dozen telegrams and newsletters on the situation of the “White Party” were published in the daily newspaper of the People's Republic of China on behalf of the Chinese-Russian Federation during this period. Around 1921, the concept of “white terror” was introduced into China, a process similar to the early dissemination of the concept of “White Party” in China and related mostly to foreign politics. On 20 May 1921, in the Morning Post, the Chinese-Russian news agency presented a text message from the Italian Socialist Party at the time of its election to the National Assembly, which resolved to exclude the white terrorist movement, “such a terrorist movement (white terror — drawings) by real capitalists employing thugs”. In 1924, the Chinese Youth magazine, introducing the Japanese Youth Movement, pointed out that the Japanese Government, nobility and bourgeois had practised white terror and had mutilated the leader of the Japanese Youth Movement, the Secretary-General of the Central Executive Committee of the Japanese Young Communist Party. At that time, newspapers were also concerned about white terrorist acts in Hungary and Bulgaria. Such reports and announcements about foreign politics, particularly the Russian-Russian revolution, have to some extent shaped the “white terror” of the “white” and even the “white” brutal pattern and reactionary background in the minds of the early communists in China. In January 1924, the country embarked on the path of a united revolution, with the defeat of the Powers and the removal of the warlords becoming the first task of the revolution. At that point, the “white terror” of the “White Party” was linked to the political situation in the country and was absorbed by the Communist Party into its own language system. “The situation in China's revolution at this time is truly one of ordinary civilians, the Bainii Party, the National Party, the small bourgeois class, peasants, the White Party, the warlords, the gentleman, the buying class under imperial command”. The "white party" of Russia was used in the discussion of the situation of the Chinese revolution by a large number of translations of Russian Marxist writings, and the reference to the "white-white struggle" in the early CCP literature began to appear. So there's the “white imperialist aggression massacre”. During this period, the Chinese Communist Party has repeatedly stressed that “we can only fight against the ‘white’ horrors of killing us!” Mao Zedong added in stark terms: “The tragic events, the Saki massacre, and the evidence of `white terror'. So we have to shout, "No white terror! No imperialists killing the proletariat!"

At this time, however, the specific reference to “white terror” in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) revolutionary discourse is very different in scope or audience from that of the Great Revolution. At this time, the “white terror” practised by the “White Party” in China refers first and foremost to the brutal acts of burning, looting and repression of the revolutionary masses in China by the imperialist powers and their supporting North Ocean warlords. On 8 May 1926, in a letter from the CCP Central Organ ' s Guide, Zhao Shih-Nin stated: “The reactionary politics of white terror, founded by Japanese-British imperialism in cooperation with the warlords of the direct and direct families, has now been achieved in the North.” “The current situation of white terror, created by imperialism and the warlords themselves”. At this time, when the Communist Party is on the front line, “the National Party, the National Government, the Communist Party, the Young Communist League,” it became clear that in “China, where the Communist Party fought hard against the White Party,” the “white terror” of the “White Party” did not directly point to the National Party, but rather to the Chinese Communist Party, to some extent the victim or victim of this “white terror”. During the northern logging period, the Shanghai City Council of the Chinese National Party was once banned. Even Jiang Kai-shek, leader of the National Party, and Borodin, a Soviet political adviser, are wanted by the reactionary warlords. Since the first half of 1927, there has been a marked change in the PRC's specific reference to the “White Party”. On 26 March, Chiang Kai-shek travelled to Shanghai to collude with imperialist powers, economic warlords and hooligans to conspire against the coup. On 9 April, Chiang Kai-shek established the Command of the General Command of the State of War, which is the official declaration of martial law in Shanghai. At this time, the Chinese Communist Party believes that the struggle against Chiang Kai-shek's new warlord has become inevitable, and that Chiang Kai-shek, the northern warlord and imperialism, with its strong strength, have formed a coalition. These forces “go further and further along the path of seeking a compromise with imperialism and demonstrate in their actions that they are not much different from the warlords of Sun-Fang, Zhang Zongchang, Chang Zhang Zongchang and others in their extreme hatred of the revolutionary masses”. “These reactionary bourgeois representatives are now increasingly becoming the White Party of China.” There has been a clear shift in the meaning of the White Party, i.e. that the flow of Chiang Kai-shek is no different from that of the imperialists and the reactionary warlords they support, becoming China's representative of the White Party, so that there has been a clear shift in the specific reference to “white terror.” Immediately thereafter, Chiang Kai-shek launched a “four-one-two” counter-revolutionary coup. In just a few days, more than 300 Shanghai workers were killed, more than 500 arrested and more than 5,000 killed. At this point, the Chinese Communist Party considered that “China is the world's worst white terror”. The reference to “white terror” has changed significantly, and Chiang Kai-shek “has become the primer of white terror in the killing of workers and farmers and revolutionaries”. For the first time, "white terror" pointed to Chiang Kai-shek. Since then, Wang has joined the ranks of the “Communist” and has taken a heavy toll on communists and revolutionarys, as has the CCP's perception of the National Party's left. At its eighty-seventh session, the Communist Party of China stressed that “the majority of the central executives of the National Party, including Wang Jie Wei, Sun Ko and others, have moved to a reactionary direction, and of course they are not representatives and leaders of the National Party, so that all workers and farmers should know that, in recent times, white terror has been practised under the banners of traitors such as Wang Liang, and that it will take day to day”. At this point, the producers of “white terror” expanded from Chiang Kai-shek to the left wing of the National Party, such as Wang. Wuhan's Wang Qianyi and Nanjing's Chiang Kai-shek are “in fact completely white terror”. In the Chinese language system, the PNP flag has become the symbol of “white terror”. The National Party has become a purely “white terror” party. Since then, the White Party “white terror” has become a specific concept in the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) revolutionary discourse, referring specifically to Chiang Kai-shek, the National Party. Thus, the white party's “white terror” and the white-related completely Soviet concepts complete the process of Chineseization. It should be said that, under different social historical conditions, the “white terror” referred to a wide variety of areas or targets, but both in the Russian-speaking context and in the CCP revolutionary discourse, the “white terror” referred to reactionary or hostile forces, strangulation and siege of the proletarian liberation movement. The symbolism of the “down” “conservative” “reaction” of the “white” over the “red” of progressive and revolutionary meaning has been highlighted. On this basis, the further introduction of the CPC into the division of the NCP-dominated areas became a necessity of history. The concept of the “White Zone” emerged as a pre-CCP scoring point for the NCP ruling area.

When the Communist Party of China was founded, the concept of “White Zone” had not yet been used in the party's literature, but the issue of regional division had been initially addressed. At the end of 1921, the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Circular was issued in the name of the Secretary of the Central Bureau to deploy the entire party. At this point, the party's work covered only the “Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, Wuhan and Changsha 5 districts”. Starting with the two Congresses, and with the launching of the anti-imperial and anti-prohibited democratic revolution programme, the Communist Party has looked at the whole country and looked at the party ' s area of activity from across China. The two major declarations of the Chinese Communist Party state: “Unity of the Chinese Ministry (within the Eastern Province) is the true democratic republic”; “The Mongolian, Tibetan and Huijiang Ministries are self-governing and become democratic self-governing States”; and “Unification of the Chinese Ministry, Mongolia, Tibet and the Republic of China with a free federal system, and the establishment of the Federal Republic of China”. The term “Home of China” was originally derived from the Japanese Geographic Textbook and was introduced into China by the retentionist scholars, a concept that was more common in the early years of the Republic. In 1924, Sun Zhongshan, speaking in the auditorium of the Guangzhou National Teacher Training College, stated that “China's headquarters has traditionally been divided into 18 provinces, with the addition of the three Eastern Provinces and the Xinjiang Province totalling 22 provinces, in addition to Hehe, Zhang, many special regions of the Qinghai Sea, and Mongolia and Tibet dependencies”. Thus, it can be seen that this understanding and division of regions by CCP at the time was largely a continuation of the mainstream of Chinese society based on Qingmin. For example, Li Dae-jin used to provide detailed statistics on “the 18 provinces of China and their population” to analyse farmers and land issues in China. The re-division of the “Hands of China” region by the Communist Party was mainly due to the initial north-south confrontation between the Republic of China. At a time when China's political situation is based on the fact that “U Peifu of the North is old-fashioned and does not know what democracy is ... The chaos in the North will be at present. The Southern Sun is divided between Chen Zhengming, who is afraid of not being able to produce Chen. Chen's words and deeds are not consistent and cannot be built in the South”. At that time, the Communist Party directly defined the sphere of influence of the “North” and the “Scope of Government of the South”. Later on in the discourse on the ways in which the imperial Powers had invaded China, “the power of the great Powers to use their forces and to occupy the sphere of influence by diplomatic means” was added to the label. “Leases of military ports, such as Guezhou Bay, Wei Haidei, travelsun, Dalian, etc.; the Yangtze River Basin, East Three Provinces, Yunnan, Tsang, Fujian, Shandong, etc., the division of British, Russian, French, Japanese and German forces; and the distribution of railway mines among countries.” On this three-point basis, the Chinese Communist Party has added to the “south-west” scenario at a time when the “south-west provinces will never be united in the north” at a time when the winds of autonomy in the Union Provinces are raging. Thus, the “South-West situation” “New South-Westism” is often used as an argument. As to the main reason for such fragmentation of the Chinese Ministry, the Communist Party then interpreted it as “the National Party, in the centre and north of China, does not have an organization with its roots in society”. The “central” round began to appear in the CPC report. Even so, the Central Bureau of the Communist Republic of China has drawn up a “plan for the establishment, in the shortest period of time, of important northern central branches”. Despite the attempted plan, the convergence between the “central” and the “north-south” has brought to the fore the depth of the macro-division of the CCP region. As a result of the cooperation of the Communist Party of China (CPC), it became increasingly clear that the CCP had a clear understanding of the areas under the control of the National Party. The geographical location of the organization of the Nationalist Party has gradually become the basis for and reference to the coordinates of the division of areas of activity of the Communist Party. In June 1923, the three CCP members decided to join the National Party in their personal capacity in order to achieve revolutionary cooperation with the Chinese National Party, led by Sun Zhongshan. Based on the need for co-operation, the CPC further divided the areas of revolutionary activity into “where the National Party is organized” and “where the National Party is unorganized”. The central circular called for “where there is a National Party organization, where the comrades join at once; where there is no National Party organization, the number of people and who are expected to join the National Party who are not gays and who are expected to be responsible for it, to be contacted by the Bureau so that they can send their personnel to the establishment of the branch”. At that time, the “Nationalist Party's organized place” consisted mainly of Guangdong, Shanghai, Sichuan and Shandong, while the “Nationalist Party's unorganized place” covered the provinces of Harbin, Fong, Beijing, Tianjin, Nanking, Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, Zhejiang and Fujian. The Guangdong National Government has been moving rapidly since the north fell, expanding from the Pearl River basin to the Yangtze basin before a year later. The Chinese Communist Party described the situation as a “war between the Red and the Red”, on the basis of which “the provinces under the influence of the National Government” was referred to as “the red side”, “the Yangtze River basin has been dying from Guangdong Province”. The Chinese Communist Party also referred to the warlords Zhang, Zhang Zongchang, Wu Peifu and Sun Zhuang as “places under the control of the anti-Achrist forces” at a time when the “anti-Achrist region” was “not more than eleven provinces (incorporating Su Zheng). The division of the region by “Red and Anti-Red” reflects to some extent the Chinese Communist Party's own “Red” genes, while it is more likely to be based on the CCP's initiative in refuting the warlord, the so-called “Redification” accusations of the powerful, and even the so-called “anti-Red Movement.” Thus, according to Chen, “in the climax of the Chinese national movement, what is the meaning and impact of the so-called anti-Creation movement, which should be studied with interest by anyone concerned with the Chinese national movement”. Following the death of Sun Zhongshan in March 1925, the tensions between the Communist Party of China, which it had struggled to suppress in its lifetime, became increasingly evident, and the division between the opposition and the National Party became increasingly apparent. In particular, during the northern logging process, the right-wing forces of the National Party have successively created a series of counter-competences, such as the “Nanking events” and the “Market events”. As a result of the deepening of the perception of divisions within the National Party between the left and the left, the Communist Party further subdivided the areas under the influence of the National Government into “the areas under the control of the National Party on the left” and “the areas under the control of the National Party on the right” and “the regions of the North, Henan and Shandong, as well as the regions under the control of the System”. “The industrial and agricultural movement is free to develop in areas under the control of the left of the National Party” and “the mass movement under the control of the right of the National Party” has been extinguished and fascism has taken over. The marking and demarcation of the “National Party Left, Right Territory” was largely the product of the Chinese Communist Party's policy model of supporting the left and opposing the right. During this period, the Communist Party has also attempted to divide the areas of organization on the basis of the workers' and farmers' movements under its own leadership, such as the seven districts of Guangdong, Shanghai, Hanguchi, Tianjin, Bong Tian, Hunan and Qingdao, in accordance with their industrial status. The CAC emphasizes the principle of centralization in the development of the agro-transport region, which “should be concentrated in the provinces of Guangxi, Ou, Chong, Chong, Guangxi, Fujian, Anhui, Jiangsu and Zhejiang, with the exception of the province of Zhong Guangxi”. After Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Qianxiang betrayed the revolution, the situation in China was sharply reversed. It is the practice of the Chinese Revolution to draw a line from the National Party and to articulate the slogan “Soviet”. The Communist Party of China is gradually recognizing that the Soviet Union of Industrial and Agricultural Soldiers is appropriate for an objective environment and has offered to establish a Soviet regime of industrial and agricultural soldiers. On 19 September 1927, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) decisively offered to abandon the National Party's flag “to establish a Soviet in the new climax of the revolutionary struggle”. As a result, the Chinese revolution has entered a new phase in the establishment of a Soviet regime through the Soviet revolution. Since then, the Communist Party has created several Soviet regimes in Guangdong, Hunan, Jiangxi and Shaanxi. The establishment of Soviet regimes in various regions has greatly contributed to the emergence of the spatial concept of the “Soviet region”. In February 1928, early in the autumn, these places, where peasant riots were held and Soviet regimes were established, were called the “Soviet region”, noting that “five Soviet regions already exist in southern China: Sugawa Wanan, Jiangxi, Hainan Island, Guang south-east road and the North River”. At the same time, the reference to the “communist-led Soviet region” was also used in the Communist International Decision on China. In the same year, the concept of the “Soviet region” was widely used in the literature of the relevant resolutions adopted by the six major Chinese Congresses, in terms such as “establishment of the Soviet region” and “work of the Central Party of the Soviet region” and “extension of the Soviet region”. The corresponding problem of regional expression outside the Soviet region is also present in the CCP language system. The concept of the “African region” is beginning to emerge. On the subject of the “AfDB region”, the International Communist Party (CPI) considered that “the popular struggle for economic and political development in the AFS region” was “a step on the path to armed riots and a direct contribution to the AFS region” and that “the effort to organize a popular economic and political battle in the AFS region is now the most important task of the party. This is the main hub, and we have to hurry and do it”. On the basis of this directive of the Communist International, Li Li Li-San, while presiding over the centre, put forward the Adventist Moo-han, Drinking the Yangtze River. On 29 August 1930, the CPC Central Committee issued instructions to the Yangtze Bureau, among others, on the strategy and strategy for reoccupation of Changsha: “We must resolutely establish a central authority for democratic governance in the industrial and agricultural sectors in order to lead the Soviet revolution to its conclusion and to influence the popular consensus in the non-Soviet region even more. In this way, “the Soviet regions will be brought together to establish a centralized and interim regime of national unity”. This is clearly an ambitious design to promote the practical implementation of international communist directives in the “African Union region”. The contrast between “Africa” and “Yes” is a dualist, reflecting the CCP's ambitious blueprint for the establishment of “Soviet China” under the “objective scenario of the climax of the revolution and the first victories in the provinces”. Before and after this, issues related to the African Union region, such as work in the African-Soviet region, “the Revolutionary Youth in the African-Soviet region”, “the people of the African-Soviet region”, “the work of the African-Soviet region”, have continued to be highlighted by the CPC. However, as the revolutionary practice of the “African region” has gradually been diluted by the “left” adventurism error, the “African region” has not developed the concept of a specific space-time pointer as the “white zone”. At this point, another concept associated with it, the “reverse zone”, also appears in the CCP literature. When the objectives of the Soviet revolution were established, the consolidation and expansion of the “Soviet region” became the orientation of the Communist Party's revolutionary practices. In this process, the Communist Party of China has continuously stressed that the expansion of the Soviet region should “attack by force the adjacent reactionary areas and, on his part, help the neighbouring regions to launch mass riots”. “Development of guerrilla warfare and mutiny in reactionary regions”. The “reactionary zone” is first shared to refer to the “neighbored area” outside the Soviet area, that is, the “reactionary area of the red-white border”. At this point in time, the “reactive zone” is not in the CCP discourse to express and point to a clear concept of space, but rather a tactical and tactical expression. During this period, thanks to the transplantation and transformation of the Russian-Russian revolutionary discourse, the Communist Party also began to try to use the ideological “white” to mark the “nationalist” zone, thus creating a space concept that matches the “white terror” of the “White Party”, which is constantly regulated and refined in the practice of the Soviet revolution, and the concept of a particular regional space, the “white zone”, has been greatly enriched and extended. III. THE CONTEXT OF THE CRIMINAL PRINCIPAL ZUES OF THE RELIGIOUS ZONE OF CYPRUS AND SUZUE

On the basis of the more widespread introduction and use of the phrase “white terror” of the “white party”, the Communist Party of China began to link “white” to areas under the ruling party of the National Party, and the concept of “white area” was born. The concept had evolved from its introduction to its final formulation, and there had been a marked change in its focus and geographical references. With the formation of a large number of Soviet regions, the concept of the “White Zone” first appeared in the reports, instructions and exchanges between the Sud Party organizations and the CPC Central. For the first time in a report to the Central Government, Mao Zedong, who led the creation of the Soviet regime at the border, referred to areas outside the Soviet region as “white areas” and earlier referred to “red zone white zone confrontation”. In the report prepared by the Chinese Communist Party Special Committee on Sinjiang, which led the creation of the Government of Sinjiang Soviet, and the Central Party, respectively, to the Jiangxi Provincial Council and the Party Centre, the two corresponding concepts of “revolutionary zones” and “white areas” were used to explain the revolutionary situation at the time. Subsequently, the reference to “white areas” was gradually introduced in the CCP directives and circulars to the regions. In October 1930, the Central Political Bureau of the Communist Republic of China, in its current work plan for the Soviet region, explicitly referred to the “Soviet region” as the “Soviet region”. At this point, the concept of the “white zone” used by the Communist Party is not yet the same level as that of the “Soviet region”, which appears in the Chinese Communist Party discourse much less frequently than that of the “Austro-Soviet region” referred to earlier, and is often used in the context of the “Austro-Soviet region” and is not fixed and is not widely used. This situation continued until before and after Wang Ming came to power as a “left” secularist, when the concept of the “white Zone” had been used to refer specifically to the city of the centre of the white Zone around the Sioux region, the “white area surrounding the Sioux Zone”. Following the break-up of the third “closure” of the Central Suu district by the National Party Army, the “left” enthusiasts, represented by Wang Ming, were overwhelmed by the victory, which resulted in a resolution of 20 September 1931, misjudged that “the current political situation in China is at the centre of the fight against revolution and revolution”, and further called for the immediate implementation of the “extension of the Sou district to central cities” in the “Sou district and the African region”, as well as the expansion of the Sou district to central cities, the resolution further proposed “the acquisition of sympathy and support for the Sou district and the Red Army by the people of the four regions of the region” and “the establishment of work in the white areas surrounding the region, beginning with the areas of Wuhan, Nan Chang, Nine River, Yichang, Sha City, South China-China Road, Pinghan Road, Wu Chang Road and Ting Road”. The policy of adventurism has once again been imposed, and the Communist Party has stressed that “the most important task of working in the White Zone is to organize and lead a mob and establish a Soviet regime” and “promptly seize the central cities of the neighbouring Zone”. However, this policy ignores the complex political environment and mass base of the city in the centre of the White Zone, resulting in many unnecessary losses and setbacks, and even the temporary central space has been severely squeezed and forced to move to the central Zone. With the victory against the siege, the expansion and consolidation of the Sou district has further highlighted the importance of work in the adjacent white zone. In the context of the words “white areas around the Sous-Soviet region”, the CCP has further focused on the concept of the White Zone at the centre of its “red white border” and “white Zone adjacent to the Sous-Soviet region”. For example, “on the placement of work in the white areas”, the Central Committee of the Communist Party has repeatedly emphasized in its instructions to the regions of the Sudan “that attention should be focused on the white areas of the border between red and white and between red and red”. The area near the Red White border is commonly referred to in the party's literature as the “White Zone near the Sous region”. The Nationalist Party, for its part, refers to this area as a “security zone” in the “recovered zone” and “half bandit zone” in the “neighbor zone” on the basis of “the seriousness of the banditry”. The White Zone, which is adjacent to the Sous region, is extremely tense because it is at the forefront of the enemy's struggle, and it is known that “the White Zone is often closed to traffic for 30 miles at the border of the Red Zone”. At the same time, the vast majority of the population surrounding the area “runs the whole town as the anti-revolutionary army passes, does not feed the army, does not guide the army, disrupts the rear and main transport routes of the enemy, takes weapons from the army of the National Party warlord, thus helping the Red Army to win, expands the development of the region and promotes the collapse of the anti-revolutionary army”. Better geographical conditions and a popular base than in central cities are important prerequisites for guerrilla warfare and for increasing the political influence of the Red Army. The concept of the “white Zone” has shifted to the focus of the “white Zone adjacent to the Sous-Zone” and, to some extent, to the correction of the “white Zone” to the city of the centre of the white Zone surrounding the region. On the one hand, with the increasing efforts of the National Party to “siege” the Soo district, and in particular with the fifth “strike” deployed by Chiang Kai-shek himself, the Central Soo district has been surrounded by a step-by-step fortress tactic. In this context, “the development of work in the white areas adjacent to the Sud district is of the utmost importance for the five `closures' of the victorious enemies; on the other hand, since the temporary centre was moved to the Sud district, the Communist Party of China has tried to strengthen its leadership of the White Zone. The Central Bureau of the District of Suu Kyi has issued a special resolution requiring “the Provincial Councils and the District Councils to establish White Zone Departments, not only with ministers specializing in responsibility and responsibility, but also with a few specialized staff to carry out practical White Zone work”. The Jiangxi Provincial Commission established the White Zone Department accordingly. The Interim Central Council has also successively established the Central White Zone Work Department and the Central White Zone Work Committee, but the fact is that, with the move of the Interim Central to the Sou Zone, the “left” error led to a further strategic contraction of the Sou Zone space, at a time when it was difficult for the Communist Party to substantially lead the day-to-day work of the White Zone, even Chen Yun, the Minister of the Central White Zone Work, could only take primary responsibility for the work of the neighbouring region. During his tenure as Minister of White Zone Work, Chen Yun invested a great deal of effort in leading the White Zone in the vicinity of the Su Zone. He has published articles such as “Wrecking the White Zone in front of the Five “Arms” and “Work of the Workers Economic Struggle and Trade Unions in the National Party Region” and “The Workers' Movement in Fujian, the China-China Party in Fujian”, to analyse the specific circumstances and problems of working in the White Zone around the Sioux Zone and to indicate the possibility of working well in the White Zone near Sioux Zone. It is inevitable that the concept of the “white zone” and its focus will be shifted from the centre of the town around the Sou district to the white zone adjacent to the Sou district. As the situation inside and outside the country changed, the emphasis of the concept of the “white Zone” shifted again and gradually became the equivalent of the concept of the “Soviet Zone”. In October 1934, the Central Red Army was forced to march and the Central White Zone Department stopped working. By 1935, almost all of the organization of the White Zone had been severely damaged, “99.9 per cent of the White Zone lost, almost all of it”. In October 1935, the Central Red Army arrived around the north, and the Communist Party began to resume work in the White Zone. At this time, the CCP, in its resolution on the political situation and mandate following the reunification of the First and Fourth Forces, deployed the White Zone, which called for “the broad white Zone, starting with the adjacent white Zone, which should now begin in a planned manner”. At the same time, it states that “the Party's centre must use all means to strengthen the leadership of the White Zone Party in the province of Kawakawa, while at the same time fighting down the Yangtze River and the cities, industrial areas and rural areas in the centre of North China”. Immediately thereafter, political organizations in Shanghai, Guangdong, Henan, Hubei, Sichuan, Yunnan, Shaanxi, Gansu and Xinjiang were restored and established. Since then, the situation in the country has changed dramatically as a result of the peaceful resolution of events that shocked the Middle East and beyond, the growing national crisis, the near end of the inter-State civil war and the dramatic changes in the internal situation. There is a need for a shift in the magnitude of the sudden change, both across the Sioux and White Zone. Especially in the White Zone, where party organizations have been severely damaged, where they have long been isolated from the Central Party of the Communist Party, where they lacked a deep sense of the situation, how to better take stock of the gains and losses of past White Zone work from a global perspective, and how to formulate a holistic approach to leading the work of the White Zone in order to better adapt to this transformation and become an urgent issue for the entire party. In this regard, it was made clear that “the immediate and urgent task of the party should be to consolidate peace in the country, to fight for democratic rights and to fight against the Japanese. To accomplish these tasks, the party must significantly strengthen the organization and leadership of the White Zone Party and make the District a model district for the fight against Japan. Weaknesses in the White Zone are now the biggest weaknesses of my party. After civil peace, the front lines of the war have been moved from the Sud to the White Zone.”

The continuing recovery and development of party organizations in the White Zone and the profound changes in the situation in the country have further prompted the Communist Party to move away from its original focus on the White Zone in the vicinity of the Su Zone to its reflection on the overall orientation and central tasks of the White Zone in the light of the new situation during the 10-year civil war in the country. Such as Liu Shaoqi, during this period, published an outline of the work of the White Zone Workers ' Movement and a letter to the Central in relation to the past. In particular, in May 1937, the party centre also held a special meeting of representatives of the White Zone Party, at which it was reported that the current central tasks of the White Zone were being carried out, and that Liu was reported on the Party and Mass Work in the White Zone. The review of the experience of the White Zone covered by the meeting and the deployment of the central task of the White Zone in the new context are all manifestations of the shift in the concept of the “White Zone”, which was eventually shaped. Since then, the concept of “white Zone” has been largely discontinued in important resolutions, instructions, documents and powering by the CPC. The concept of “white Zone” “white Zone work” will be used only when a few historical literature, such as the Resolution on Certain Historical Issues, review and take stock of historical experience during a decade of civil war. It should be noted here that we do not consider it appropriate to extend the historical period covered by the concept of the “White Zone” to “the period of domination of the warlords of the North Ocean, the period of 10 years of civil war, the time of the war against Japan and the time of the war of liberation”. On this basis, the corresponding areas of the warlords of the North Ocean, the areas of the National Party and the areas occupied by Japanese imperialism are “white Zone” and even generalized to “reactive domination”. It should be said that this recognition is not historical. First, with regard to the temporal and temporal content of the concept of the “white zone” in the Chinese Communist Party revolutionary discourse, we believe that it should have been during the period of the land revolution war, following the emergence of large areas of Soviet territory, from the original “white zone” around the Soviet zone, the “white zone adjacent to the Soviet zone”, to the “white zone” at the “white zone” at the “white border”, to the eventual formation of a specific area corresponding to the “Soviet region”, which is mainly linked to the ruling part of the National Party. It should also generally include Hong Kong, particularly after the collapse of the Great Revolution, and the north-east, which has fallen since the collapse of 1188. During this period, CCP reported to the international Communist Party on the organization of the National White Zone Party, which includes the main National Party regions of Jiangsu, Henan, Shandong, Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Anhui, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, Guangxi and Yunnan, as well as the Manchu (Northeast East) and Hong Kong, among others. It is clear, however, that the main contradictions in the country at this time, the main targets of the revolution, and so on, determine the geographical implications of the concept of the “white Zone” in the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) revolutionary discourse, are focused on the areas under the control of the National Party. Second, in the CCP revolutionary discourse, although “white terror” had referred to the reactionary rule of the warlords involved in the North Ocean, there was no explicit reference to the “white zone” for marking at this time. With the collapse of the first CCP, the “white terror” of the “White Party” began to refer specifically to the National Party's reactionary rule, but the concept of the “white zone” was not followed by a shift in direction. It can be said that this concept was born in conjunction with the “Sioux district” and that it followed. Thus, the “White Zone” cannot refer to the “North Ocean warlord-dominated areas”, let alone to the “Japanese imperialist-occupied areas” during the period of full-scale combat, as is the case with the “Soviet Zone” not specifically referring to the “enemy-backed” “liberation zone”. Thirdly, after 1937, the concept of “white zone” was largely discontinued in the CPC. In July 1937, following the outbreak of full-scale resistance, the Communist Party of Japan established a national unity front against Japan, the National Party Government recognized the legal status of the Chinese Communist Party, and the Chinese Industrial, Agricultural and Red Army was transformed into the 8th Road Army, the New Four Army, and quickly moved into the enemy, creating a large number of enemy-backed areas. The Soviet region has gradually been replaced by the concept of the “anti-Japanese ground”. After the victory, the Chinese Communist Party referred to the area as a “liberation zone”. In this context, the CPC changed the concept of the former “white Zone” to “National Party Rule”. The area occupied by the Japanese aggressors is marked with a “fall zone”. By 1945, the concept of the above-mentioned zone had been widely used by the CPC. This was the basis for this classification and marking, as was the case at the time when the weekly " Mass " took stock of the national area, where the total size of the area fell was 24.6 per cent of the country ' s total, the total area of the post-enemy liberated area was 31 per cent, and the National Party controlled 37.5 per cent of the country. Concluding remarks

An important premise of the CCP's construction of the concept of the “White Zone” is the early introduction and use of the “white” language by the CCP, which led to the introduction and Chinaization of Russian-Russian revolutionary concepts such as the “White Party” “white terror”, a process based on the actual integration of the principles of Marx Leninism with the Chinese revolution. The concept of the “White Zone” goes from being introduced to mature stereotypes and fades out, with the more influential factor being the change in the relations between the two parties. The CCP took the initiative to respond to changes in the internal and external situation, which contributed to the emergence of the concept of the “White Zone” and its repertoire and geographical implications. During the period of the Communist Party cooperation, the Communist Party of China (CPC) was not well-informed about the division of the organization's areas of activity and often used the National Party as a reference for regional markings, such as “National Party organized place”, “National Party unorganized place”, “National Party left and right-wing subdivisions”. As the situation changed, especially with the collapse of the first Communist co-operation, the shift towards the “white” language was further encouraged, the “white terror” of the “white army” began to refer to the National Party and the concept of the “white zone” began to emerge. It should be noted that, at the very beginning of the concept of the “white zone”, the focus of the discourse was not on the vast areas of the ruling National Party (NP) except for the Sou district, but on the “white areas around the Sou district” and the “white border” such as the “white zone adjacent to the Sou district”, which was the origin of the concept of the Communist Party. After a successful arrival of the Red Army Chiefs in the north, the Republic again cooperated and fought against Japan. In response to the changing situation, the CCP further promoted the construction of the concept of the “White Zone” and gradually became a concept in contrast to that of the “Soviet Zone” and eventually shaped it. The concept of the “white zone” is not conceptually constructed by the Communist Party (CPC), from conceptual to conceptual, from abstract to abstract. Its choice and use of the concept of the region in question at different stages of history provide a clearer picture of the specific temporal and temporal context of the period and, to some extent, of the interaction between practice and thought. The concept of the White Zone must therefore not be generalized in the study and teaching of party history for the sake of historical truth. Sioux District Study No. 2 of 2026