The recent Chinese society's difficult interaction with the armed struggle

At the end of the evening, faced with the “unremarked change of three thousand years” in the life of the country in which relations exist, Lin took the lead in placing Chinese society in the world for comparison, reflection and self-approval. It is recognized that the replicas of Western powers are not enough to save the country, that the old system is deeply flawed, that the culture of thought must be renewed and that the model of governance must be transformed. The national crisis was unprecedented in the wake of the defeat of the Meridian War, and the Qing Dynasty's support for the Qing Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty's promotion of the Qing Dynasty was a deep-seated, top-down effort by the Qing Dynasty official. But any official self-determination must be premised on and bound by the fact that the authority of the State apparatus cannot be breached. The retrograde measures pursued by the e-change have breached the bottom line of the ruling bloc's reliance on the State machine to defend vested interests. A coup was launched by the old-fashioned faction, headed by the Queen of Mercy, to house the Queen of Light and kill the New. The absence of a mutually constrained monarchy among high-level political power, coupled with the absence of self-interactive social participation, which is dominated by the population, has left only a brief mark of a hundred days in China's recent history.

Compared to China ' s e-change, the previous religious reform and enlightenment campaign in the monarchic Germany had succeeded in advancing social progress. One of the important reasons for this is the fact that the political power between the King and the Holy See is subject to mutual constraints in the countries of medieval Europe. In 1517, a Christian priest, Martin Luther, in front of the Church of Wittenburg, published a 95th syllable against the Holy See ' s sale of atonement coupons, opening the way for a bottom-up society to promote religious reform from the province. Martin Luther, who had been indicted by the Holy See, had managed to escape under the protection of the King of the Kingdom of Houphouetre and had formed a Lutheran from the Holy See among the Christian faiths. Society in the Lutheran faith emphasizes itself that salvation can be achieved directly through faith in Jesus Christ, and that there is no need to rely on the holy acts or good deeds of the Church. The rapid spread of Lutheranism in Germany and Sweden, Denmark and Norway has far-reaching implications for religious patterns and cultural development in Europe. In the subsequent Enlightenment Campaign, the Government of Guernsey, relying on an educated class of citizens, carried out a series of enlightened and authoritarian reforms from the top down, which enhanced the efficiency and integrity of the State apparatus.

In the wake of the opium war, China's internal and external distress has been increasing in recent times, and the hatred of the population at the bottom of the ground for the repressive dictatorship and repeated incursions by the powerful has fueled two armed struggles by the Zenith State and the Islamic League. Both are spontaneous resistance from the bottom population, with a strong struggle and justice. Both, however, end with the quest to overthrow the traitors and restore peace, and lack social self-reflection for rational reflection on the ills of the social system, the poor traditional culture and the limitations of the people themselves. The Zenith Nation has totally rejected traditional culture and has burned the poignant temples without reading Confucian books, while replacing rational governance with religious superstition. Its leadership competes for power and corrupts and finally erupts in a massive fratricidal turn-on in Tokyo, depriving it of the last chance to correct itself. The League considers all foreign affairs such as railways, telegrams, Western doctors, missionaries and other religious Chinese to be an ocean disaster. A superstition capable of creating a ghost's sword and gun as a spiritual pillar for the eradication of the ocean. As a result, Qingting and the G-8 coalition forces joined forces to kill.

After Sun Zhongshan failed in 1894 to write Li Hongzhang, as a pioneer of the recent democratic revolution in China, he completely abandoned the improved course. Armed uprisings were planned in Guangzhou in 1895 and in Huezhou in 1900. The failure of the armed struggle revealed the shortcomings of the people who knew only that there was a court of law but not a State, and that the thuwars were war-torn, undisciplined and unplanned. Sun Zhongshan then founded the China Alliance in Tokyo, Japan, in 1905, and for the first time explicitly set out the three democratic meanings in the publication of the newspaper The People ' s Journal, an organ of the League. The three democratic nationalisms point out that the State is not the private property of the emperor but of the nation, and that national identity has been reconstituted from loyalist to loyalist. Civil rightsism points to monarchy as the source of the country ' s poor and weak institutions, and advocates the construction of a common system of sovereignty for the people. (c) To raise awareness of the human personality and the right to self-determination and to be the country ' s master of political, political and equal rights. Civilism points to the fact that national development cannot be profitable to only a few, but must balance the balance between rich and poor, labour adjustment and bottom-up well-being. At the heart of this is equitable land rights and managed capital, which opens the way to the quest for social equity. The greatest historical value of the three democratic principles lies in guiding the country ' s own society to its own self-suspect. It is a major milestone in the recent Chinese society ' s drive for the liberation of ideas, social change and the revival of its national identity by looking internally at the ignorance of the nation, its rich and poor, and its authoritarian system.

Sun Zhongshan, in leading the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty, has created a pioneer in social interaction with the armed struggle. The province provides a triple support for the armed struggle. The armed struggle is a catalyst and a litmus test for a society's own self-province, and it promotes its own deepening and validation of the path of revolution. Socialism and armed struggle are causes and consequences of each other, and they continue unabated. From 1907 to 1911, eight uprisings were organized, namely, the southern border of the town and the yellow bouquet, whose unfailing spirit greatly inspired the entire nation and laid the social foundations for a successful uprising in Wuchang.

However, historical developments have never gone smoothly, and China has been caught up in a warlord-soldled warlord regime after the interim President of the Democratic Republic, Sun Zhongshan, gave way to Yuan Shikai. Sun Nakayama, after the lower field, reflected on the second revolution against Yuan and the law-enforcement campaign against the warlords of the North Ocean, both of which failed because of their reliance on them to beat them. Compared with the success of the October 1917 revolution in Russia, Sun Zhongshan introduced United Russia's policy in 1923 in the Sun Viet Nam Declaration, and in 1924, at the first National Congress of the National Party, three major policies were established: “Union of Russia, the United Republic of Tanzania, and support for agricultural workers”. The transformation of society from one province to the next has led to the promotion of a national land revolution based on armed struggles, such as the “Downing of the Power, the Warlord” and the “Downing of the Landlord, the Fields”. After studying the Russian revolution's model of gun-commanding in social interaction with the armed struggle in the province, Sun Nakayama created, in 1924, with the help of the Soviet Union, the Huang Po Military School, with the three democratic purposes of building the soul of a military officer at the grass-roots level who braved the sacrifice of his ideas and fought for his people, and thus formed the National Revolutionary Army. Before that, Chen Zhongming armedly betrayed Sun Zhongshan in 1922, taking over the East River area, threatening the security of the Guangzhou Revolutionary Government. In 1924, the National Party launched a military offensive with the Huang Po Military School Students ' Army as the main force, quickly crushing Chen Zheng Ming's main force and largely taking control of the East Gang area. For the first time, the Huang Poi student army demonstrated greater combat power and became the core force of the National Revolutionary Army. Chiang Kai-shek, the principal of the Huang Po Military Academy, who is the Commander-in-Chief of the Eastern Army, also served as the First Commander of the National Revolutionary Army.

Sun Zhongshan died in March 1925. The use of armed force by Chiang Kai-shek quickly took control of the Supreme Military Power of the National Party until it was defeated in 1949 and was an important figure in China ' s recent history. The following 57-year-old Chiang Kai-shek diary showed that Chiang Kai-shek attached great importance to self-evaluation, but its reflection was largely due to the moral misadventure of the Confucian family ' s body and the lack of a thorough reflection on the values and social system. Chiang Kai-shek was commissioned by Sun Nakayama in 1923 to conduct several months of study visits to the Soviet Union. Before the visit, Chiang Kai-shek was active in pro-Soviet, promoting the Russian-style revolution, and advocating for the Soviet Union. A visit to Chiang Kai-shek in Sioux proposed the establishment of a base in Cullen (now known as Ulaanbaatar) to train the Forces nouvelles to attack Beijing in the north, which was rejected on the grounds that Mon, other than the Sioux side, was not mainland China. Chiang Kai-shek has become wary of the Soviet ambitions and has turned against his class dictatorship. The visit to the country was a watershed in the great change in ideological awareness of Chiang Kai-shek and subsequently became the backbone of the National Party ' s firm opposition to the Communist Party.

Having taken control of the regime and the more powerful armed forces, Chiang Kai-shek has left a deep mark in the recent history of China on the perception and practice of social interaction with the armed struggle. The positive historical imprint was first the formal reunification of Chiang Kai-shek throughout China in the context of the inter-provincial interaction between the Sinehe Revolution, the New Cultural Movement and the Five-Four Movement in the war against the North. Then, during the interaction between the country's anti-Japanese rescue society and its armed struggle against the Japanese front, Commander-in-Chief Chiang Kai-shek's national army continued to fight until Japan surrendered. The Chinese people have made an irreplaceable contribution to the final victory of the world's anti-fascist camp through 14 years of hard-won resistance, and the United States and the two major Powers must have given Chiang Kai-shek a high international reputation.

At the same time, Chiang Kai-shek left a deep negative historical mark. In the first half of the twentieth century, when the ideas of the Western Enlightenment and Marxism were brought into China on a massive scale, the depth and breadth of Chinese society have grown in an unprecedented manner. From the Great Revolution, the Land Revolution, the War against Japan to the War of Liberation, the quest for liberation and people ' s democracy has always been the mainstay of Chinese society. However, instead of advancing social progress through the virtuous interaction of society in its own struggle against the armed forces, Chiang Kai-shek launched a massive nationwide clean-up operation after the “four-one-two” counter-revolutionary coup d'état in 1927, in order to “better kill a thousand than spare one” the Communists. Other dissidents in political science are repressed, arrested, imprisoned and even assassinated. China, which lost so much after the victory against the Japanese war, urgently needs to move to peace-building. Chiang Kai-shek, despite the fact that inflation has reached the point where ordinary people are queuing for food in sacks, has overstretched his already vain prestige to insist on a massive civil war. But the resilience of a society ' s self-serving intellectual power will ultimately prevail over authoritarian and irrational armed violence, which is the fundamental difference between human society and the animal society of the weak. As a result, Chiang Kai-shek has lost his heart in a nation-wide society of “anti-civil war, anti-hungry, anti-persecution” and millions of National Party troops have lost their way to Taiwan.

The winner is China ' s political wisdom since ancient times, as reflected in the recent history of China in the right interaction of society in its own provincial and armed struggle. Mao Zedong summarized the Chinese Communist Party's experience in China's revolution in 1939 in the publication “Communists' Word”, and proposed three techniques to defeat the enemy: a united front, an armed struggle and a party. The armed struggle, which is the main form of the struggle of the recent Chinese revolution, is a fundamental means of fighting the monarchy, warlordism, dictatorship and aggression by the Powers. The unity front and the building of the party are at a level where the people ' s interests are paramount and rational, and where they deepen the strong social foundation that society has built from its province to support the armed struggle. By the time of the war against Japan and the war of liberation, the social response of the anti-Japanese people and the communities of the liberated regions had been strong.

The series of measures taken by the Communist Party (CPC) central Government following the events in the south during the war against Japan is a model of “justified, advantageous and favorable” initiative in social interaction with the armed struggle. In January 1941, the National Party army suddenly surrounded the new four military units that had moved north, creating a coup d ' état. The National Government then counter-prosecution of the defection of the New Four Forces and the full exposure of Chiang Kai-shek against the Communist Civil War. In response, Zhou En broke the press blockade and immediately published in the daily newspaper Xinhua, which was published in the country's metropolitan area, the title “Chunqi's grievances, one leaf in Gangnam; what's the rush to get rid of one another?”. The rapid spread of truth and outrage in the provinces of the country's capital city has provoked widespread outrage. The anti-communist actions of Chiang Kai-shek have been unanimously condemned by domestic and foreign public opinion, as has the dissatisfaction of the US-United States political parties, Chinese nationals and the National Party, and the legitimacy of the Chiang Kai-shek dictatorship has been seriously undermined. With the unprecedented unity of deep democratic forces in the country ' s entire society from the province, the movement moved from fragmentation to unity. The Chinese people are fully aware of the nature of Chiang Kai-shek's “negative anti-Japanese, active anti-communist, authoritarianist” and the formation of a united front against Chiang has laid the foundation for a post-war democratic movement. The Chinese Communist Party's insistence on fighting and opposing the civil war has won wide sympathy, and a major breakthrough has been made in the reunification of the country. In the context of the armed struggle, the Communist Party of China has quickly re-established the military wing of the new four army units, integrated into seven divisions with an independent brigade of more than 90,000 personnel, under the direct authority of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and completely removed from the chain of command of the National Party. Fights such as the Battle of Cheng Dynasty, the counter-restraint of Xinbei and the self-defence of Suan Dynasty were used to repel the sedition and blockades of the Recalcitrant Army in the South and to remove anti-Community positions from the ground. China's enemies are now firmly based on the same pattern. The 8th Road Force and the 4th New Forces strategic response. The National Party can no longer isolate the armed forces of the Communist Party of the South as a result of the emergence of a dynamic between the two main enemies, North China and China.

Retired farmers in the liberated areas during the liberation war have been among the social groups, and there has been a high level of military participation and support for land allocated for the defence of land reform. The province's society, led by the Communist Party of China, has launched a massive “anti-civil war, anti-hunger, anti-prosecution” campaign, with students at the forefront and with the participation of the population against the dictatorship of the National Party. The democratic parties have broken apart politically from the National Party and worked with the Communist Party to build the People ' s Democratic Unity Front. The interaction of these wider and deeper societies with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) in its armed struggle against the Chiang Kai-shek dictatorship became a key factor in accelerating the victory of the liberation war.

Since the establishment of the new China, the focus of State action has shifted to economic and social institution-building. The history of recent Chinese society ' s interaction with the armed struggle is worth drawing on.

(The author of this paper graduated from the Department of Modern Mechanical Sciences of the Chinese University of Science and Technology in 1964 and has been working in the teaching and research of the Synthetic Multi-Hype System in universities. After retirement in 2007, the study of philosophical social sciences was transformed into a study.